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DDS providers pushing Gov. Baker to phase out state-run care
The major lobbying organizations for corporate providers to the Department of Developmental Services appear to be pushing the Baker administration and the Legislature to privatize more and more state-run care.
And the administration and Legislature have so far appeared to be more than willing to accommodate the providers.
Governor Baker’s Fiscal Year 2018 budget, which he submitted to the Legislature last month, further widens a spending gap between privatized and state-run programs within the Department of Developmental Services. In doing so, it appears largely to satisfy budget requests from both the Arc of Massachusetts and the Association of Developmental Disabilities Providers (ADDP).
In fact, the increase proposed by the governor in funding for privatized group homes is $26 million more than the $20.7 million increase the Arc had sought. The ADDP may be a little disappointed only because that organization had asked for a $176 million increase in that account!
The chart below shows the widening gap in funding for key privatized and state-run DDS services over the past several years, adjusted for inflation. Under this trend, funding for corporate-run, residential group homes, in particular, has risen steeply while funding for state-operated group homes and developmental centers continues to be stagnant or cut.

For Fiscal 2018, the Arc requested a $20.7 million increase in funding for privatized group homes (line item 5920-2000), and the governor obliged with an even higher $59.9 million, or 5.4 percent, increase, as noted.* The ADDP, as noted, wanted a $176 million increase in that line item.
In the privatized community day line item (5920-2025, not shown on the chart), both the Arc and ADDP asked for a $40.2 million increase, and the governor responded with a proposed $13.6 million increase.
At the same time, both the Arc budget request for Fiscal 2018 and the ADDP request effectively asked for zero increases in funding for the state-run DDS accounts. Those include accounts funding state-operated group homes, developmental centers, and departmental service coordinators. (The column labeled “Request” in the linked Arc budget document is left blank for those state-run program line items. The ADDP budget request simply doesn’t include those line items.)
The governor appears to have more than obliged the provider organizations regarding those state-run accounts as well. His Fiscal 2018 budget proposes a $1.8 million cut in the state-operated group home account (5920-2010). This amounts to a $6.9 million cut when adjusted for inflation.
In addition, the governor is proposing a $2.4 million, or 2.2%, cut in the state-run developmental centers line item. (5930-1000). That’s a $4.9 million cut when adjusted for inflation.
And the governor is proposing a cut of $96,000 in the DDS administration account (5911-1003). That is a $1.7 million cut when adjusted for inflation, and means a likely cut in funding for critically important DDS service coordinators, whose salaries are funded under the administrative account.
It’s well known that the Arc and the ADDP oppose developmental centers because those two organizations oppose congregate care for the developmentally disabled and support only care in group homes or smaller settings. What may not be as well known is that the Arc and ADDP appear to have no interest in more funding for service coordinators or state-run group homes, in particular.
Late last month, Baker submitted his proposed Fiscal 2018 budget to the Legislature’s House Ways and Means Committee. In a letter to Representative Brian Dempsey, the chair of the budget panel, COFAR requested that, at the very least, the committee approve a plan to redirect some of the governor’s proposed increase in the corporate residential account to the state-operated group home, facilities, and service coordinator accounts.
(We would note that we have been urging this kind of redirection of funding for the past two years, and neither the governor’s office nor the Legislature are listening.)
Service coordinators
Service coordinators are DDS employees who help ensure that clients throughout the DDS system receive the services to which they are entitled under their care plans. In recent years, funding for service coordinator salaries has failed to keep up with their growing caseloads.
A reason for the Arc’s apparent disinterest in service coordinators may be that the organization has long promoted privatized “support brokers,” in which the Arc is financially invested.
The job descriptions of the Arc support brokers and the DDS service coordinators appear to be quite similar. The Arc notes on its website that “consumers or families hire a support broker to help them find appropriate services and supports to thrive in their community.”
The job description of DDS service coordinators states that they are responsible for “arranging and organizing DDS-funded and generic support services in response to individual’s needs.”
COFAR Executive Director Colleen M. Lutkevich terms the DDS service coordinators “the eyes and ears that make sure that the providers who report to DDS are doing their best for the residents in a large, confusing system. Without them, the provider agencies have total control, and families do not even have a phone number or a name to call outside the provider they are dealing with.”
Underfunding of state-operated group homes
In addition to provider-run group homes, DDS maintains a network of state-run group homes that are staffed by departmental employees. State workers receive better training on average than do workers in corporate provider-run residences, and have lower turnover and higher pay and benefits.
State-operated group homes provide a critically important alternative to the largely privatized residential care system that DDS oversees. But we have found that DDS routinely fails to offer state-operated homes as an option for people waiting for residential care, and instead directs those people only to openings in the privatized residences.
To be clear, we do not object to a highlight of Governor Baker’s budget — his proposed $16.7 million increase in the DDS Turning 22 account, which would amount to a 222% increase in that account over the current year appropriation. Turning 22 funds services for a growing number of developmentally disabled persons who leave special education programs at the age of 22 and become eligible for adult services from DDS. This account has been historically underfunded.
But our concern is that as they enter the DDS system, those 22-year-olds will be placed almost exclusively in privatized programs. An important choice is being taken away from them and their families.
As we noted in our letter to the House Ways and Means chair, the pattern of privatization in Massachusetts state government has become almost permanently established even though the benefits of privatization are highly debatable. Many questions have been raised about the privatization of prisons and the privatization of education in Massachusetts and elsewhere around the country.
The privatization of human services may be the biggest prize of all for government-funded contractors. We need to preserve what’s left of state-run services.
(*The $59.9 million figure for the governor’s proposed increase in the corporate provider line item is based on numbers provided by the nonpartisan Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center. The Arc’s budget document claims the governor’s requested increase was $46.7 million.)
Disability Law Center aids woman who has been kept away from father and sister by DDS
In the wake of reports that an intellectually disabled woman has been prohibited for more than a year by the Department of Developmental Services from having any contact with her father and sister, a federally funded legal assistance agency has arranged for legal representation to help the woman challenge the ban.
The Boston-based Disability Law Center opened an investigation late last year of a decision by a DDS-paid guardian to prohibit contact between the woman and her father, David Barr, and sister, Ashley Barr. Based on privacy concerns raised by the DLC, we are no longer publishing the woman’s name.
Earlier this month, a DLC attorney said the agency had assisted in making an attorney available at no charge to the woman to challenge the visitation ban in probate court, if she chooses to do so. The attorney said he was precluded by confidentiality requirements from discussing the investigation or any conclusions he may have reached in the case.
Since Thanksgiving of 2015, David and Ashley Barr have had no information about the woman’s whereabouts. She is believed to be living in a DDS-funded group home, but the Barrs have no idea where that residence might be located.
COFAR has reported that a DDS guardian imposed the ban on all contact with the woman by David and Ashley primarily because they were viewed as too emotional when they were allowed to visit her. Neither David nor Ashley Barr have been charged or implicated in any crimes, yet they said they feel they have been treated by DDS as if they are criminals.
In COFAR’s view, restricting family members from visiting a loved one impinges on a fundamental human right, and the DDS guardian should at least have obtained a probate court order before doing so. DDS should also have made sure the woman had access to legal counsel who could challenge the visitation ban on her behalf. DDS reportedly did neither of those things.
The case appears to involve a clear violation of DDS regulations, which state that people in the Department’s care have the right …“to be visited and to visit others under circumstances that are conducive to friendships and relationships…” (115 CMR 5.04)
The right to visitation is, moreover, a key aspect of family integrity in international human rights law. As an article in the Berkeley Journal of International Law states, “Sufficient consensus exists against particular types of family separation…to constitute customary international law.”
The article discusses Nicholson v. Williams, a class action lawsuit by a group of mothers against the New York City Administration for Child Services (ACS). The lawsuit “challenged ACS’s policy of automatically removing children from homes where domestic violence had occurred even if it meant removing them from the victims rather than the perpetrators of that violence.”
The children of the plaintiffs in Nicholson were kept in foster care for several weeks. According to the law journal, the court “cited the emotional and developmental damage done to the children, (and) the destruction of their family relationships…” that occurred as a result of the separation of the children from their parents (my emphasis).
We would note that the ACS lawsuit was a case involving the removal of children for just a few weeks. The Barr case involves the removal of a family member for more than a year so far, with no indication from DDS that family contact will ever be restored.
While the developmentally disabled woman in Barr case is no longer a child, she has been found to be mentally incapacitated and in need of a guardian. As such, she is in a similar legal position to a child in that she is not considered competent to manage her personal or financial affairs.
The court in Nicholson v. Williams cited specific international provisions including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and found that the New York ACS policy “violated the basic human rights of family integrity and freedom from arbitrary interference with family life, as well as the specific right of a child to be cared for by her parents.”
In what seems almost an obvious observation, but one that doesn’t seem to have occurred to DDS, the Berkeley law journal article notes:
People simply care a great deal about their families, and often suffer more from losing them than they do even from serious individual harms they suffer personally.
A couple of other points made in the law journal article are worth highlighting. One is a statement that temporary removal of children from families may cause “lasting harm to the children…especially if frequent visitation is not allowed during the removal period.”
The article also points out that the International Convention on the Rights of the Child (ICRC) imposes obligations on states in situations where families have already been separated. In particular, the ICRC states that where children are separated from one or both parents “the state must furnish the parents or children with any available information regarding their family members’ whereabouts” (my emphasis).
The Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court weighed in last spring with a decision upholding the right of the grandfather of a developmentally disabled woman to challenge severe restrictions placed on his right to visit her.
As we’ve said before, and will again, major reforms are needed in the state’s probate court system in order to ensure the rights of families to maintain contact with their loved ones in DDS care. One of the first steps is for the Legislature to finally pass a bill (filed in the current session as HD 101) that would require probate judges to presume parents to be suitable guardians for persons with developmental disabilities.
DDS commissioner paints overly rosy picture of employment for developmentally disabled
In opening remarks at a conference on employment opportunities for the developmentally disabled late last year, Department of Developmental Services Commissioner Elin Howe gave what appears to be an overly rosy assessment of the likelihood of mainstream jobs for those people.
In her written remarks delivered to the November 30 conference, which was hosted by DDS and the UMass Institute for Community Inclusion, Howe appeared to imply that former participants in sheltered workshops, which the administration has worked to close, have been placed in mainstream jobs at a record rate.
“There are now more people working in individual jobs in the community than ever before,” Howe stated.
But while the numbers Howe cited show an increase in the number of people placed in mainstream jobs since 2013, it appears that most of that increase occurred between 2013 and 2014, before the workshop closures took place. Since 2014, DDS data indicates that the number of people finding mainstream jobs declined rapidly.
Howe noted that all remaining sheltered workshops in the state were closed as of last July 1, and that Massachusetts was only the fourth state in the nation to do that. But the loss of those workshops should not be a cause for concern, Howe contended, because, there were now more than 3,300 individuals working in “group supported employment” in the state – an increase of over 1,300 people since June 2013.
An increase of 1,300 disabled people in group supported employment would work out to a 65 percent increase in the number of people in that category since 2013, which sounds like a major success story.
But of that total increase cited by Howe of 1,300 individuals, 998 — or nearly 77 percent of them — appear to have entered group supported employment between 2013 and 2014, according to data provided by DDS.
The DDS numbers show there was an increase of only 146 people in group supported employment between August 2014 and August 2015. Between August 2015 and November 2016, when all remaining sheltered workshops were closed, there was an increase of only 156 people in group supported employment.
So, while the number of people in group supported employment appears to have increased by almost 50 percent between 2013 and 2014, the increase in the two-year period from 2014 to 2016 dropped to about 10 percent.
Group supported employment is defined by DDS as “a small group of individuals, (typically 2 to 8), working in the community under the supervision of a provider agency.” In contrast to sheltered workshops, supported employment places an “emphasis…on work in an integrated environment,” which means that developmentally disabled persons work in the same location as non-disabled individuals.
The closures of the sheltered workshops in Massachusetts has resulted in the removal from those programs of close to 2,000 participants since 2013; but those closures did not appear to have translated into a steady flow of people into supported employment. Even Howe appears to acknowledge that a significant percentage of those former workshop participants have not found mainstream workforce jobs.
In her remarks, Howe stated that “many people transitioned (from sheltered workshops) to Community Based Day Support programs,” but didn’t say how many. Day programs are often really just daycare programs that do not offer work-based or skill-building activities to the people in them.
The Massachusetts Developmental Disabilities Council, which is part of the Baker administration, appears to acknowledge the problem of employment in its State Plan for 2016, noting that:
…there are fewer people being placed in successful employment due to staff layoffs and the current fiscal environment. In order for more services to be made available, it is important to create partnerships and work with various state agencies in order to address this significant issue that is and will continue to be of concern. (my emphasis)
Last year, however, the Legislature failed to provide funding sought by Governor Baker for the transition from workshops to supported employment.
Rather than touting the supposed good news about the closures of the workshops, Howe should have acknowledged ongoing concerns about the apparent difficulty of finding mainstream work for people with developmental disabilities.
Opaque Massachusetts budget process hides state’s real priorities
In a preview this week of the Fiscal 2018 state budget, the Massachusetts Budget and Policy Center points out a key shortcoming in the budget process.
That process is not transparent, the nonpartisan think tank argues, because it doesn’t provide a needed context for the proposals and decisions that the governor and Legislature make.
As the Budget and Policy Center notes, that needed context lies in the release of a public “maintenance budget” that discloses the projected costs of continuing “current services” from one fiscal year to the next. Without that “maintenance budget” context, it is difficult, if not impossible, for the public to really know whether proposed funding levels are meeting real needs or falling short of them.
The problem can be clearly seen in the current-year funding of group homes operated by the Department of Developmental Services.
Last January, Governor Baker proposed a $3.7 million — or 1.7 percent — increase in the DDS state-operated group home line item. But while that sounds like more funding for those facilities, it was in actuality a cut when adjusted for inflation. The inflation rate was 1.8 percent, according to the Policy Center’s numbers.
Moreover, the funding increase proposed by the governor for the state-operated group homes was reportedly about $500,000 less than what DDS wanted in order to maintain current services in the residences. That $500,000 figure, however, wasn’t readily available to the public. The figure was casually mentioned by DDS Commissioner Elin Howe during a conference call on the budget last year with advocates for the developmentally disabled.
At the same time, Howe didn’t intend to do anything about that actual shortfall in funding for the state-operated group homes. As we noted last May, while Howe admitted the funding proposed by the governor for the group homes was inadequate, she also said DDS did not intend to seek an amendment in the House budget to increase that funding. Howe’s response to us was, “we’re just going to have to manage it.”
This is exactly why the maintenance budget disclosure is needed as part of the process. It would give the public a better insight into what the governor and Legislature actually intend with their budget proposals and deliberations.
It appears to us that the DDS mindset is that it is not worthwhile to push even for maintenance-level funding for the state-operated group homes and potentially other state-run programs. That’s because the Department’s ultimate priority or aim, as we see it, is to privatize these services.
Interestingly, the Budget and Policy Center also pointed out that certain other budgetary accounts were underfunded in the current fiscal year, including a human services account that helps fund corporate provider-run or privatized group homes in the DDS system. That account was underfunded by $14.7 million. However, the administration apparently plans to fully fund those accounts next year, the Center noted.
Partly as a result of the unfunded accounts and the use of a host of one-time revenues and temporary solutions to balance the current-year budget, the Policy Center is projecting a $616 million budget shortfall in Fiscal 2018.
The Policy Center’s preview suggested that one of the major reasons for the Legislature’s underfunding of the privatized group home and other accounts was the lack of a publicly available maintenance budget document. The Policy Center points out that 19 other states publish a maintenance budget document, but Massachusetts is not among them.
The Policy Center is also calling for the public release of a baseline tax revenue growth estimate. This sounds like a suggestion that the administration adjust its usual revenue projections to take into account any tax cuts or tax increases that have been enacted. As the Policy Center noted,
The initial tax revenue growth estimates for FY 2017 were unusually optimistic, but there was no easy way to see that because of the way the estimates were presented.
We concur with the Budget and Policy Center’s recommendations, particularly on the need for disclosure of a maintenance budget. The more information the public has with which to assess the budgetary process, the better off we are, and this appears to be a key piece of missing information.
Our January issue of The COFAR Voice is online
Our January 2017 issue of The COFAR Voice newsletter is now online, with stories about:
- The bleak outlook for the DDS budget for Fiscal 2018
- How a family has been banned for more than a year from all contact with a young woman in the DDS system
- Changes proposed by DDS in regulations on restraints and behavioral modification techniques that appear to make those rules more vague
- Publication of a gritty and compelling book on the life of Donald Vitkus, a survivor of the former Belchertown State School. The book was written by Ed Orzechowski, a COFAR board member and president of the Advocacy Network.
and much more.
Our January issue is a recap of highlights and critical issues we faced in 2016. It was a year that culminated in our December 29 meeting with two key members of Governor Charlie Baker’s staff. The unusual (for us) meeting was arranged by Marty Corry, our long-time, pro bono lobbyist on Beacon Hill.

COFAR’s December 29 meeting with key members of Governor Baker’s staff. From left are Kaitlyn Sprague, Baker’s legislative director; Ryan Coleman, Baker’s deputy chief secretary; Thomas J. Frain, COFAR Board president; Colleen M. Lutkevich, COFAR executive director; and David Kassel, COFAR communications director.
Prior to the meeting, Marty arranged a conference call in which we discussed how we would boil down the many issues we wanted to discuss into a format that could be absorbed in the half hour to 45 minutes that we expected we would have. In the end, Kaitlyn Sprague, Baker’s legislative director, and Ryan Coleman, Baker’s deputy chief secretary, talked with us for over an hour.
Our theme for the meeting was an emphasis on the rights of individuals with developmental disabilities and their families and guardians to the fullest possible choice in care and services. We focused on three areas of concern:
- Protecting and preserving the state-run line items in the DDS budget, particularly Line Item 5920-2010 (the state-operated group homes) and Line Item 5930-1000 (the developmental centers)
- Ensuring that DDS disclose state-run care as an option to people seeking services, as required by federal law. (The Home and Community Based waiver of the Medicaid Law [42 U.S.C., Section 1396] requires that intellectually disabled individuals and their guardians be informed of the available “feasible alternatives” for care.
- Achieving the passage of H. 1459, which proposes that a spouse or parent be presumed in probate court to be the proper person to be a guardian of a developmentally disabled or otherwise incapacitated person unless competent evidence is introduced to the contrary.
We consider H. 1459 to be a critically important rights measure for family members of people with disabilities — particularly developmental disabilities. We have found that families are routinely overruled in decisions about the care of their loved ones in probate court proceedings by medical and clinical “experts,” DDS, probate court judges, and service providers. Yet, this bill, which has no known source of opposition, dies every year in the legislative process.
Enactment of this legislation could prevent tragic situations such as the ongoing case of the Barr family in which the father and sister of an intellectually disabled woman, have been prevented by a DDS-paid guardian from all contact with her for more than a year.
Our January newsletter touches on all of these issues. We hope you will check it out. It’s coverage you will find nowhere else.
Without interviewing family, DDS upholds complete ban on family contact with developmentally disabled woman
After a “careful review” that did not happen to include interviews with at least two of the three principals in the case, the Department of Developmental Services has upheld an indefinite ban on all contact between those two individuals and a developmentally disabled woman.
The ban has now been in effect since Thanksgiving of 2015 on all communication between the disabled woman, and her father, David, and her sister, Ashley. We are withholding the woman’s name.
Meanwhile, Ashley and David Barr said they feel abandoned by two of their state legislators who have declined even to send a letter to DDS Commissioner Elin Howe expressing concern about the emotional distress that Ashley and David are experiencing in being denied contact with an immediate family member for more than a year. (More about that below.)
COFAR has reported that a DDS guardian imposed the ban on all contact with the woman by David and Ashley primarily because they were viewed as too emotional when they were allowed to visit her. Since the beginning of this year, DDS has not even informed David or Ashley as to where she is living.
COFAR has asked DDS Commissioner Howe to restore David and Ashley’s contact with the woman, who has both an intellectual disability and mental illness. In early October, Howe stated that the matter was under review by the Department.
Howe did not respond to subsequent requests by COFAR Executive Director Colleen M. Lutkevich in early November for information on the status of the Department’s review or whether it would include interviews with Ashley and David Barr.
Then, in a November 17 email to Lutkevich, DDS General Counsel Marianne Meacham stated that the departmental review had concluded that the restrictions on the Barrs’ contact with the woman and the Department’s handling of the matter had all been appropriate.
“Without disclosing confidential information, this matter has been carefully reviewed, and we believe that appropriate steps have been taken by the Department and the Probate Court,” Meacham’s email stated. “Should circumstances change, there is recourse through the Probate Court.”
Both Ashley and David said they had not been contacted by anyone from DDS as part of that departmental review. They said they had hoped for a call, and would have gladly answered any questions DDS might have had about what actually occurred when they were previously permitted limited visits with their family member.
“There is no way DDS has done a careful review in this case,” Lutkevich said. “This has all the earmarks of a state agency that embarked on an internal review with a predetermined outcome, which was to clear itself of any mishandling of this matter. This case needs to be reviewed by an impartial, outside party.”
While state law prevents us from discussing criminal charges that may be connected with this case, we can state categorically that neither David nor Ashley has been implicated or charged in any crimes. Yet both feel they have been treated like criminals in being kept in the dark about their family member and prevented from having any contact with her.
And while Ashley and David may technically have the ability to go to court, they have not been able to afford the expense of a lawyer. As a result, all of the decisions made by probate court judges in the case have gone against them, including a bid by David to regain guardianship of his daughter.
As COFAR has reported, a DDS attorney and the disabled woman’s DDS guardian and service coordinator all made what appeared to be prejudicial and damaging statements about David and Ashley during an August 2015 probate court hearing in which David had sought to be named his daughter’s guardian. None of those statements was challenged during the hearing.
The prejudicial statements include a claim by Whitbeck that erroneously implied that David provided inadequate care for his daughter when she previously resided with him, and a separate speculative statement that David and Ashley wanted to visit her out of “a sense of guilt.”
In addition, hearsay statements were made in the hearing by both Dorothy Wallace, the woman’s then temporary guardian, and Jill Casey, her DDS service coordinator, that appeared to be intended to cast David and Ashley in a negative light before the probate court judge.
In one instance, Wallace testified that David had been overheard by staff in one hospital promising his daughter he would become her guardian and would take her home soon. That reportedly made her resistant to the idea of continuing to stay in the hospital. But David denied that he said that.
No evidence was presented in the August 2015 probate hearing supporting Wallace’s additional claim that emotional family interactions caused psychotic symptoms in the woman. That claim by Wallace, however, appears to be a primary reason for her decision to impose increasingly severe restrictions on family contact, culminating in the total ban as of Thanksgiving of 2015.
The Barrs’ legislators decline to stand up to DDS for them
Following the imposition of the ban on contact with the woman, a friend of the family sought help for the family from state Representative Linda Dean Campbell of Methuen, David Barr’s local House member. The friend said Campbell’s office did not provide any help as far as she knew.
COFAR contacted Campbell’s office in early October and spoke to a member of Campbell’s staff, who said he did contact DDS about the matter after hearing from the Barr family’s friend. At the time, the DDS staff member said, DDS put him in touch with Wallace, who gave similar reasons for having cut off the family’s contact with the woman that she had given in probate court.
Campbell’s staff member said that after that conversation with Wallace, he didn’t pursue the matter further. The staff member did not contact either David or Ashley to ask for their response to Wallace’s claims.
COFAR attempted to renew the request for help for the family with both Campbell’s office and the office of Senator Kathleen O’Connor Ives, whose district includes Methuen. A staff member from Ives’ office did subsequently contact Ives’ office’s DDS liaison — a DDS deputy assistant commissioner. However, she said the DDS liaison refused to discuss the matter with her for reasons that she said were not clear to her.
At that same time, COFAR requested that both Campbell and Ives send a joint letter to DDS Commissioner Howe, expressing concern about the cutoff of David and Ashley’s contact with their family member.
However, in mid-November, about 10 days after COFAR made the request, the staff members for both Campbell and Ives said the lawmakers would not send a letter to Howe. Ives’ staff member said Ives didn’t think a letter was necessary or would accomplish anything, while Campbell’s staff member said Campbell’s legal counsel raised a concern that sending such a letter could violate the woman’s privacy rights.
In an email sent in response to both legislative staff members, I said that we at COFAR strongly disagreed that a letter from the legislators to Howe would not accomplish anything. We also disagree that the woman’s privacy would be violated by such a letter.
“Given that the DDS liaison has not been helpful in this case, it is all the more important to go up the line to the commissioner,” I said in my email message. “This family needs to know that someone in the political system cares about their situation.”
“Lutkevich also sent an email message to Campbell’s staff member. Lutkevich’s message stated that:
There is really no valid reason that a simple letter can’t be sent asking why this family cannot 1) be informed of their intellectually disabled daughter/sister’s whereabouts, and 2) set up visits, even if supervised. Prisoners are allowed visitors, as are families under DCF (Department of Children and Families) supervision, but this young woman with an intellectual disability is not even being allowed to have the slightest bit of contact with the only family she knows. We can only imagine how abandoned she must be feeling.
Neither Lutkevich nor I received any response from either Campbell’s or Ives’ offices to our emails.
Unfortunately, it is no longer surprising to us that DDS would disregard its own regulations that require humane and least restrictive care, or even that members of the state Legislature would decline to go to bat for their constituents.
As I noted in a recent blog post that generated a lot of discussion about the reasons for the outcome of this year’s presidential election:
Whether it is a global trade deal that ships American jobs overseas, or a decision by a state legislator not to stand up for a constituent who has a grievance with the executive branch, government has lost sight of its real purpose.
Court statements show DDS employees held a bias against family members seeking to visit intellectually disabled woman
In statements made in a probate court hearing last year, an attorney for the Department of Developmental Services and two other DDS employees appeared to demonstrate a bias against the father and sister of a developmentally disabled woman who have been seeking to visit her.
The August 17, 2015 hearing in Essex Probate and Family Court appears to have set the stage for a complete ban as of last Thanksgiving on all contact with the woman by her father, David, and sister, Ashley. COFAR is withholding the woman’s name.
COFAR has urged DDS Commissioner Elin Howe to restore David and Ashley’s contact with the woman, who has both an intellectual disability and mental illness. COFAR is also questioning why DDS recommended the appointment of a guardian for the woman who had never previously met her.
In recommending the guardian, DDS passed over David, Ashley, and a family friend, who had offered to be the woman’s guardian and knew her well.
In the wake of allegations that the woman had been sexually assaulted over a two-year period by an alleged boyfriend of her mother’s, the woman was removed from her mother’s care and from regular contact with most of her family in 2014.
Since last Thanksgiving, David and Ashley have been barred by the guardian from all contact with the woman, and even from knowledge of her whereabouts. However, neither David nor Ashley have been charged or implicated in the sexual assault case.
The 70-minute recording of the probate hearing is replete with statements and testimony from Dorothy Wallace, the woman’s then temporary guardian, and from Jill Casey, a DDS service coordinator, and Barbara Green Whitbeck, a DDS attorney, that appear to indicate a bias against David and Ashley. The statements appeared to be intended to sway the probate court judge against appointing David as the woman’s permanent guardian or allowing more family contact with her.
The prejudicial statements in the hearing include a claim by Whitbeck that erroneously implied that David either caused or was responsible for abuse of the woman when she was 12 years old, and a separate speculative statement that David and Ashley wanted to visit the woman out of “a sense of guilt.”
Other statements by Whitbeck, Wallace, and Casey appeared to be hearsay, and are strongly disputed by Ashley and David Barr. However, the statements all went unchallenged during the probate hearing because the Barrs did not have an attorney present at the proceeding who might have cross-examined the DDS employees.
The recording of the court hearing provides an unusual glimpse into how DDS, a large public agency, uses its superior legal power and resources to overcome family resistance to its decisions about developmentally disabled people in its care. Without an attorney to represent them, individuals are virtually helpless in probate court cases.
The hearing concerned a request by David and Ashley that they resume regular contact with the woman and that David be appointed as her guardian. The judge, however, ruled instead in favor of the appointment of Dorothy Wallace, the candidate recommended by DDS, as the woman’s permanent guardian.
In her testimony, Wallace said the reason for her restrictions on contact with the woman was that David and Ashley became too emotional when they were permitted visit her, and that this caused the woman to have psychotic symptoms.
Wallace also said that clinicians in one hospital were upset that David had promised the woman he would become her guardian and would take her home soon. That reportedly made the woman resistant to the idea of continuing to stay in the hospital, according to Wallace.
Wallace’s testimony about what David might have said to the woman appears to be hearsay, however. David denied that he ever promised his daughter he would immediately take her home from the hospital. None of the clinicians who reportedly overheard David making that promise to his daughter were asked or required to testify at the probate hearing.
No evidence was provided at the 2015 hearing, moreover, as to how or why an emotional interaction with her family would cause the woman to have psychotic symptoms. Wallace repeatedly testified that her intention was to reunite the family once the woman had been clinically stabilized. Yet, David and Ashley remain barred from any contact with her more than a year later.
In what was perhaps an unintentionally telling admission about the level of isolation to which the woman has been subjected, Wallace testified at one point that she was surprised to find out that an aunt of the woman’s had actually gotten in to see her at a hospital a few weeks before the probate hearing was held. “A clinician called and said an aunt had visited her,” Wallace testified. “I said I didn’t think anyone was visiting. How did they find her?”
In early October, DDS Commissioner Elin Howe responded to an email from COFAR Executive Director Colleen M. Lutkevich, saying the Barr case was under departmental review. Since that time, however, neither David nor Ashley Barr have been contacted by DDS as part of that review.
Howe has not responded to follow-up emails from Lutkevich, seeking information on the status of the DDS review of the case or whether or when David and Ashley will be allowed to see the woman again.
DDS has also declined to comment on the statements made at the 2015 probate hearing. In an email, DDS General Counsel Marianne Meacham stated that the Department would not comment “on matters involving confidential and protected client information, and which are the subject of a pending criminal prosecution.”
The recording of the 2015 probate hearing, however, is a public document. While cases involving sensitive probate issues are usually impounded, meaning they are blocked from public access, DDS, for unknown reasons, only requested that the Barr case be impounded last August, a year after the hearing was held.
Damaging opening statement from the DDS attorney
During the August 2015 Probate Court hearing, DDS Attorney Whitbeck made an opening statement that was potentially damaging and yet highly misleading about David Barr. Whitbeck said witnesses she planned to call to testify in the hearing would:
…give a clear picture of a young woman who really has suffered unspeakable traumas in her life, beginning all the way back to about age 12 when she was residing with her father, and again in the past couple of years when she was residing with her mother… (my emphasis).
This statement appears to imply that David Barr either personally abused his daughter or was responsible for abuse. But no evidence was given to support such an assertion.
There was no testimony given at the hearing that implicated David or Ashley in any abuse of the woman.
Whitbeck also said in her opening statement that “it is understandable that the family wants to be involved with the woman, out of a sense of obligation and maybe guilt…” This statement also went unchallenged. It’s a potentially damaging statement. Whitbeck never specified what the family’s guilt might be about and was never questioned about it.
David and Ashley portrayed as overly combative
Other statements made by Casey and Wallace appeared to be intended to portray David and Ashley as overly combative with them. Whitbeck described David as a “bully,” and Casey testified that he had sworn at her when they first met and had once left a threatening message on her answering machine. She said his threat on the answering machine was a statement that “‘I’ll get you people,’ or something like that.” During the hearing, David tried to dispute that he had said that, but was admonished by the judge for interrupting.
Ashley maintains that David has never been physically threatening, but may have threatened to sue DDS at some point over the restrictions placed on his contact with his daughter.
Wallace, when asked to describe the family’s interaction with her, testified that the family had been “chaotic and caustic.” But Wallace provided no examples of statements or actions by David or Ashley that could be characterized in those terms.
Wallace said she had talked with David only once or twice, and had had “multiple conversations” with Ashley in which she had tried “to educate Ashley in regards to how truly sick her sister is psychiatrically.” As Wallace described her interaction with Ashley:
She (Ashley) kept saying all she (her sister) needs is family. I agree that at some points (the woman) needs her family. It was never my intent to take her away, but when she is not stable and the hospital is calling me saying they’re (the family is) destabilizing her even more, I had to come and say we’re going to terminate things.”
Hearsay statements
Many of the accusations made against the family by Wallace and Casey at the hearing were based on apparent hearsay. In particular, Wallace testified that she had heard someone in one hospital say that David told his daughter she would be coming home soon and that he would be named her guardian. This apparently upset the clinicians at the hospital, who then asked Wallace to ban further family visits, according to Wallace.
But Ashley and David disputed that David had made any such promise to his daughter. Rather, he said, he was trying to reassure her that one day she would be coming home.
Similarly, Whitbeck stated that she understood Ashley had been overheard telling the woman not to listen to hospital staff. Ashley disputed that during the hearing, testifying that she had told her sister only not to listen to other children in the hospital whom her sister said she believed had been making fun of her. “I would never tell (her sister) not to listen to doctors,” Ashley testified. ” We want her to get the treatment she needs. We are not trying to interrupt her treatment.”
Casey also testified that she heard that David had taken the woman to a doctor for anti-psychotic medications only once. This also appears to be hearsay. Ashley told COFAR that David took the woman for medications and to doctors’ appointments “multiple times.”
A lack of familiarity with the woman and her family
Testimony provided by Wallace indicated either a lack of familiarity with the woman and her family or a lack of time to represent her adequately or act in her best interest. This raises questions in our view as to why Wallace was recommended by DDS to be the woman’s guardian, and why an offer from a family friend who knew the woman well was apparently disregarded.
Wallace, who had never met the woman until just before she was appointed as her temporary guardian, appeared to be unaware or unsure of details of the woman’s care and living arrangements in the months prior to the August 2015 probate hearing.
After having been removed from her mother’s care, the woman was moved in and out of shared-living arrangements and hospitals. She was admitted to Arbor Fuller Hospital in Attleboro in March 2015 and discharged in June of that year, just two months prior to the probate hearing. Asked during the hearing where the woman was sent after her discharge from Arbor Fuller, Wallace testified that she was unsure. “I think she want to respite or to Donna’s (a shared-living arrangement). I don’t know,” she said.
Wallace said she was aware that the woman ended up at Tewksbury State Hospital in early August 2015, but she was unsure of the name of the psychiatrist at Tewksbury State who was in charge of the woman’s anti-psychotic medications there. Under questioning, Wallace also said she was unaware that the woman had a sister in addition to Ashley.
Asked how many times she had visited the woman in the seven-month period since she had been appointed as her temporary guardian, Wallace described what appeared to be approximately six meetings with her. Few if any of those meetings appeared to be strictly social visits. At least one of those meetings was a clinical care planning meeting regarding the woman’s ISP (Individual Support Plan), while another visit was to meet an aunt of the woman’s who was allowed to visit her at Tewksbury State.
As we’ve noted before, we think this case is being mishandled by DDS. We see no justification for the continuing refusal of DDS to allow any contact in this case between a young woman with special needs and members of her family who have nothing to do with the criminal proceedings that are involved. That denial of contact is further victimizing both this young woman and innocent members of her family.
A gritty new book on a survivor of Belchertown State School
Donald Vitkus spent his childhood years in the 1950’s at the Belchertown State School, one of the large institutions for people with developmental disabilities that used to be common in Massachusetts, but have now largely been shut down.
“You’ll Like it Here,” which is scheduled for publication on November 1 by Leveller’s Press of Amherst, MA, is the ironically titled story of Vitkus’s life, as told to Ed Orzechowski, a COFAR Board member and president of the Advocacy Network, an affiliated organization. A book signing is scheduled for Sunday, November 13, at 4 p.m. at the Florence Civic Center, 90 Park Street, in Florence, MA.
I had a chance to read an advance copy of the book. It is an emotionally gripping account of the resiliency of the human spirit. The result of more than 40 hours of interviews, it is Vitkus’s recollection of growing up at Belchertown, how that experience shaped the rest of his life, and his “passionate desire that we never return to those days.”
In 2005, Orzechowski was assisting at a book signing at Holyoke Community College for “Crimes Against Humanity,” a detailed account by Benjamin Ricci of conditions at Belchertown and the other institutions prior to the 1970’s. Ricci had been instrumental in bringing about a class action lawsuit in that decade that resulted in major improvements in the care and conditions in the facilities.
Following that 2005 book signing, Orzechowski says, a member of the audience approached him. It was Vitkus, then a 62-year-old student at HCC. Vitkus had actually been responsible for arranging Ricci’s talk.
Vitkus told Orzechowski he had grown up at Belchertown, and was looking for someone to help him write his life story. That conversation evolved into Orzechowski’s book. Vitkus is now an advocate for people with developmental disabilities and is vice president of the Advocacy Network.
Vitkus was sent by a foster family to Belchertown in 1949, when he was six years old. He had a tested IQ of 41 and was labled “a moron” in the state school records. But as you read this account, you realize just how faulty IQ tests can be. In fact, Vitkus and many of his fellow “inmates” at Belchertown had to use their wits to survive there.
You may marvel, for instance, at the ingenuity Vitkus and a handful of other boys used in a number of instances to light cigarette butts they had found, using only an empty overhead light socket in a boys bathroom and a strand of steel wool. Matches were forbidden.
As I read this story, I got the impression that there are actually two main characters in it. The primary character, of course, is Vitkus. But I found myself viewing Belchertown as a character as well — it’s a brooding presence throughout the book. Belchertown is the evil institution incarnate. It is Vitkus’s triumph that he was able to survive Belchertown and get on with his life, and ultimately to help others in the largely privatized group-home system that has replaced the large institutions.
This is a gritty book, and a disturbing one. It is not for the faint of heart. Some of the incidents are mind-numbingly horrifying.
What Vitkus and so many others went through at Belchertown in the 1950’s was the result of an attitude at that time that people with intellectual disabilities were not only sub-human, but that horrendous things could be done to them without fear of retribution. The residents were abused and treated as prison inmates by many of the staff. The place was overcrowded and unsanitary.
Beyond the abuse, there was an attitude at Belchertown at the time that few of the people living there had any potential to live outside of the institution, or any need to be treated with basic human dignity. For instance, the residents were not even allowed to receive Communion in Catholic services that they attended at Belchertown.
The only person who would receive Communion was the residing priest, Vitkus told Orzechowski, “who would give it to himself while we all watched. We were never allowed to receive, I guess because we never had confession. I think they figured us morons wouldn’t know when we were sinning, anyway.”
And yet, there were exceptions to the prevailing conditions and attitudes at Belchertown: The actual school on the grounds was a haven for Vitkus. Unlike most ward attendants, the teachers in the school were encouraging, he notes.
There were little satisfactions, such as the sudden appearance in Vitkus’s ward of a television set, which had been bought by members of the Belchertown Friends Association, a group formed by parents of patients. “Without them, we wouldn’t have known what television was. I wouldn’t have gotten to see the only World Series the Dodgers ever won in Brooklyn.”
TV also showed Vitkus news coverage about the civil rights struggles of the late 1950’s. These images raised troubling questions for him. “Why were colored people treated like that?” he wondered. “Why was anyone treated like that? Why did places like Little Rock, Montgomery, and Belchertown exist? Where was justice?”
There were occasional outings from Belchertown as well — to the Belchertown Fair and to Camp Chesterfield, a boy scout camp.
But Vitkus’s experiences at Belchertown were mostly hellish. At one point, he began refusing to take mind-numbing Thorazine and bit off the finger of an attendant who was trying to jam the pills down his throat. He spent 34 days in solitary confinement as a result. “Lithium and Thorazine were chemical restraints used to supplement leather straps,” he states.
In 1960, Vitkus was “paroled” from Belchertown at the age of 17, after graduating from the sixth grade at the school. His IQ now tested at 80, and he was sent to a program run by the Catholic Church called Brightside. Conditions there were remarkably better than Belchertown had been. There was no one there to force meds down his throat, Vitkus notes.
But Vitkus was clearly smarter than his stated IQ. After he did leave Belchertown and was living on his own, he bought a set of the Encyclopedia Britannica from a salesman and proceeded to read it. But he was dogged by the state having classified him “as a moron.” His draft card read 4-F, which meant he was unsuitable for the military.
That 4-F classification was so offensive to him that he resolved to change it; so he went to the local draft board office and got it changed to 1-A. He was eventually shipped off to Vietnam where he first served as a cook for the Army, then engaged in combat and lost his buddy who was killed in a firefight. Combined with the experience of Belchertown, Vietnam resulted in continuing guilt feelings and posttraumatic stress disorder for him.
After his return from Vietnam, Vitkus got married to a young woman whom he’d met while he was a resident at Brightside. They had two children, a boy and a girl. He also took night classes at a local high school and received a high school diploma.
Yet the wounds inflicted by Belchertown were always still there, even in his marriage. He was incapable of affection with his wife and could not relate in basic ways to his kids, and they all resented it. Eventually, his wife filed for divorce.
Vitkus later reconnected with his son, Dave, who became a police officer in Northampton, and the two of them went on an exhaustive hunt together for information about Vitkus’s past. They first went back to Belchertown, which was then in the final process in the early 1990’s of closing, and later to court houses across the state for information about Vitkus’s mother and family. With the help of a probate court investigator, they eventually found two of Vitkus’s sisters and a brother, with whom he reunited.
At the age of 52, Vitkus remarried. But his past still wouldn’t let him be. When his son Dave applied for a sensitive federal job, Vitkus was questioned during the background check by FBI agents. The agents, who knew about Vitkus’s background, interrogated him regarding some unsolved crimes. It was another reminder that his past was still a part of who he was and who people perceived him to be.
Vitkus eventually lost his job due to the continuing decline of the manufacturing industry in western Massachusetts. But it was the beginning of a new career in caregiving to people with developmental disabilities. He earned an associates degree in human services at Holyoke Community College — his college education was funded by the company that had laid him off. He began working in a group home and took on a difficult resident there in whom he recognized potential as well as some of his own character traits.
A lingering irony
For me, this book highlights a key irony in the history of Belchertown and the other facilities like it in Massachusetts. The irony lies in the aftermath of the class action lawsuit that Ben Ricci filed in the 1970’s with the help of Beryl Cohen, a Boston attorney, who was the 16th attorney Ricci had approached. The federal court case was overseen by U.S. District Court Judge Joseph Tauro, who required major improvements in care and conditions in the facilities.
While the state ultimately spent hundreds of millions of dollars to upgrade the institutions and the care provided in them, governors of Massachusetts began a major push starting in the 1990’s to close those same facilities and privatize their services.
The question remains whether the privatized group home system is a truly adequate replacement for the upgraded institutions. As Orzechowski states at the end of the book, Vitkus:
…knows that abuse and neglect still exist in the system. Battles involving agencies like the Massachusetts Department of Developmental Services, privately contracted vendors, families, whistle blowers and advocates continue—often in court—across the United States.
Ultimately, “You’ll Like it Here” is an uplifting account of the life of a man who survived some of the worst experiences life has to offer. If you want to get a sense of what it was like, and what it took to survive, in large institutions before the intervention of people like Ben Ricci, Beryl Cohen, and Judge Tauro, you should read this book.
Father and sister banned from all contact with developmentally disabled woman because they cried when they saw her
Can it really happen in America that the state can take an individual into its custody, and then not even let that person’s family know where she or he is, for months on end?
Yes, that is apparently the case if the individual is mentally ill or intellectually disabled.
In one of the more bizarre and severe instances of restrictions placed by the state on family contact, a court-appointed guardian has banned family members of an intellectually disabled woman from all contact with her because they allegedly became too emotional when they visited her. The 28-year old woman, whose name we are withholding, is dually diagnosed with intellectual disability and mental illness.
The woman’s father, David, and sister, Ashley, have not even been told for almost a year where she is living. Clinicians in at least one hospital said the family was to blame for signs of agitation and psychotic symptoms allegedly shown by the woman after the family visits.
The ban on family contact was imposed after the woman alleged that she had been sexually assaulted by the alleged boyfriend of her mother over a two-year period from 2012 to 2014. The woman’s mother, Nancy Barr, and her alleged boyfriend, John Leone, have both been arrested and are facing trial in Salem Superior Court in connection with the alleged assaults.
In addition to banning Leone and Nancy Bar from visiting the woman, a guardian with the Department of Developmental Services last Thanksgiving extended the prohibition to other family members and a family friend, who have not been implicated in the alleged crime. The only family member who is currently allowed to visit the woman is a maternal aunt, who Ashley Barr said had little prior contact with the woman and maintains little contact with either Ashley or her father.
“As far as I’m concerned, my daughter has been kidnapped,” David Barr said in an interview. Both David and Ashley said their lack of contact with their family member and lack of knowledge of her whereabouts have filled them with emotional distress. “We don’t even know where she is, and no one will tell us,” Ashley said. “It’s really, really hard to take.”
The Barr’s case is, unfortunately, not unique. We have reported on other cases (here and here) in which family contact with developmentally disabled family members has been severely restricted by the Department of Developmental Services. These restrictions also appear to happen in cases in other areas of the health care system, such as the highly publicized case of Justina Pelletier, who was held for nearly a year in a locked ward in Boston Children’s Hospital, and kept from all contact with her parents.
“This is unfortunately yet another case in which DDS and the probate court system has failed families of developmentally disabled persons,” said Colleen Lutkevich, COFAR executive director. “The family always seems to be made the focus of blame when problems occur.
“In this case,” Lutkevich added, “a young woman, who was victimized by sexual assault, is being further victimized by being isolated from members of her immediate family who could provide her with the love and support that she needs.”
David and Ashley have tried for months to get answers from the Department of Developmental Services and from the Department’s court-appointed guardian for the woman, and have gotten little information from them. They have gone to their local legislators and gotten little help, and have even gone to the media, but have been unable so far to get any news outlets to report their story.
Neither David Barr nor any other members of the woman’s family, other than her mother, are alleged to have known about the alleged sexual abuse while it was happening, and none have been charged or implicated in the crime. David Barr was divorced from Nancy Barr in 2003.
During the period of the alleged assaults, the woman had been under the care of her mother and had been living in her mother’s home. David Barr said that Nancy Barr has also been diagnosed with mental illness.
After the woman told a family friend about the alleged abuse in 2014, the friend reported the matter to police, and the woman was immediately removed from her mother’s care. She was apparently placed in a shared living arrangement in Haverhill, but that location was not disclosed at the time to any other members of the family.
In the months that followed, the family was only sporadically informed about their family member’s whereabouts. Her sister, Ashley, and her father said that virtually no information was provided to them for the first month after her removal. They were then allowed to visit her only a handful of times, either at a DDS area office or in Massachusetts hospitals to which she was admitted, reportedly after psychotic episodes. Ashley Barr currently lives and works in Rhode Island.
Last Thanksgiving, the DDS guardian, Dorothy Wallace, a psychiatric social worker, terminated all family contact with the woman. Ashley said she and her father have not been permitted to visit or call her for nearly a year, and they don’t know where she is currently living.
Guardian testifies against the family
Wallace, the DDS guardian, has declined to speak with COFAR regarding the case. In statements she provided in probate court in August 2015, she said she ordered that the family’s contact with the woman be restricted at that time because her father and sister would become overly emotional during visits with her. Wallace said clinicians in various hospitals in which the visits took place complained that the woman would be agitated and upset after the visits and that her symptoms of bipolar disorder would then become aggravated.
Wallace also contended that on one occasion, Ashley was overheard telling her sister not to listen to medical personnel at a hospital. Ashley disputes that, saying her sister had told her people were making fun of her, and that she told her not to listen to whoever was making fun of her. “Maybe someone misinterpreted me,” Ashley testified during an August 2015 probate court hearing. “I would never tell (her sister) not to listen to doctors.”
Wallace and Jill Casey, the woman’s DDS service coordinator, testified in the August 2015 probate hearing that their goal was to reunite her with her family once she was “clinically stabilized.” However, as of October 2016, more than a year later, the family has received no word from DDS as to when or if such a stabilization has occurred. Ashley Barr said her calls and text messages to both Wallace and Casey have gone unanswered.
DDS Commissioner Elin Howe responded to an email from COFAR about the case on October 6, and would say only that the case was under review. However, as of today (October 19) neither David nor Ashley had been contacted by the Department as part of that review.
Ashley acknowledged she and her father did become emotional at times during visits with her sister because she appeared upset at being kept isolated from them and often appeared to be over-medicated.
“For several visits we did cry in front of (her sister), I mean how could we not?” Ashley said. “She was alone, scared, by herself, and just went through a horrific thing for about two years. So yes, my father and I did cry, and I was an emotional mess for a very long time. Watching my sister all drugged up, she could barely talk, and given the state she was in, it was very hard to keep it in. I walked out of the room most of the time so my sister wouldn’t see me.”
In one of the last instances in which they were allowed to visit the woman, Ashley said it appeared she had not been bathed. Ashley personally gave her a shower at the hospital. Her hair was so dirty and matted, Ashley said, that she had to use an entire bottle of shampoo and conditioner to untangle it.
The enforced isolation of the woman appears to violate DDS regulations, which include the right to humane and adequate care and treatment, self-determination, least restrictive care, and integration of the person in the community. In addition, people in DDS care have a right to communicate, the right to have reasonable access to a telephone and to make and receive confidential calls, and the right to be visited and to visit others “under circumstances that are conducive to friendships and relationships…”
David Barr frustrated in gaining guardianship
Like many probate cases, this case has a complex history. David Barr has tried without success to gain guardianship of their family member following David’s divorce from her mother. In early 2015, the Essex County Probate Court passed over David and a long-time family friend, who had offered to be his daughter’s guardian, and instead appointed Wallace, the DDS-paid psychiatric social worker, who had never met the woman, as her guardian.
David Barr said he would have supported the family friend as his daughter’s guardian, but “we were totally ignored.” Barr has since filed a new petition for guardianship in probate court.
In the probate court hearing in the case in August 2015, David was described by his daughter’s DDS service coordinator as a “bully” because he allegedly swore at her when he first met her and once left a threatening message on her voice mail that he was going to “get you people.”
The Barrs had no attorney at the probate hearing, and there was consequently no cross-examination of the service coordinator. Ashley Barr says her father was threatening only to someday sue DDS over the restrictions placed on his contact with his daughter. “Not one time did my father ever mention coming after them violently,” Ashley stated in an email. “He’s trying to get his daughter back and not end up in jail.”
Ashley added that her father was not liked by some of the staff of his daughter’s day care provider agency because he would become angry and reprimand the staff following several instances in which she walked out of the provider’s facility unattended.
Restrictions on visits and information blackout began after the abuse was reported
Ashley Barr said that after the alleged abuse of her sister was discovered in October 2014 and her sister was removed from her mother’s care, “nobody would talk to us.”
Ashley said she was initially unable to get any information about her sister or her whereabouts from either the DDS service coordinator or her supervisor at DDS. She said she even contacted the police and was unable to learn anything from them. “My dad and I have no criminal record,” Ashley said, “yet we were still treated like criminals.”
Then, in November 2014, Ashley was contacted by Jill Casey, the DDS service coordinator, who said she would be allowed to visit her sister at the DDS area office in Lawrence for about an hour. David was not invited to that visit.
Ashley said she was told during the visit not to ask her sister any questions about where she was living. She said her sister “looked scared,” and said several times that she wanted to see her father and to come home.
A family friend, who was allowed to visit the woman around this time, said she was living in a home in Haverhill owned by a woman who had two or three other developmentally disabled persons living there. The friend said she was instructed not to tell anyone in the disabled woman’s family where she was.
The friend said she was allowed on one occasion to take the woman out of the Haverhill home for the afternoon. The woman was upset, she said, because she wanted to see her family. She also wanted to sleep over at the friend’s house, but that wasn’t permitted by the guardian.
It wasn’t until April 2015 that Ashley was next allowed a visit with her sister – this time in Arbor Fuller Hospital in Attleboro, where she was scheduled to celebrate her 27th birthday. Ashley said she was allowed a number of visits to Arbor Fuller, and David was allowed to visit as well, though a lesser number of times. It was apparently at Arbor Fuller, that Ashley and David first reacted too emotionally when they saw her.
In testimony in the August 2015 probate court hearing, Wallace, the guardian, contended that David Barr further agitated his daughter during at least one visit by telling her that she would be going home soon and that he would become her guardian. Hospital clinicians, Wallace said, subsequently asked her to terminate the family’s visitation privileges.
David Barr testified in response that he was trying only to reassure his daughter, who would become upset whenever he and Ashley had to leave. “I was just trying to provide reassurance that she would go home and that I would always be by her side and would try to get the guardianship,” David said. “She was there alone and scared. Isn’t that reassuring someone? Trying to give her confidence she isn’t going be left alone…?”
DDS and guardian repeatedly said family needed to be “educated”
During the probate court hearing, Wallace, Casey, and Barbara Green Whitbeck, a DDS attorney, repeatedly stated that they considered it necessary to “educate” David, Ashley and potentially other family members about what was in the woman’s best interest and the extent of her mental illness.
“I talked to Ashley,” Wallace testified. “She was angry and wanted to maintain the visits (with her sister). I tried to educate her that (her sister) is psychotic and symptomatic – that it can take two, three, four months (to stabilize) her. It’s not quick. I don’t think they (the family) understand the magnitude (of her illness).”
Ashley responded in an interview that she and her father felt that Wallace and Casey were being condescending in seeking to “educate” them about her sister. “We have known and talked about her conditions since day-one, 20 years ago, and about what she has been diagnosed with. It’s nothing new to us,” Ashley said. “We don’t need them to repeat things that we already know about her conditions.”
In June 2015, Ashley found out from her aunt that her sister had been admitted to Lawrence General Hospital because her psychiatric symptoms had flared up. Ashley was subsequently allowed to visit her a handful of times at Lawrence General, but David wasn’t, for reasons that were not provided to them.
After a short stay at Lawrence General, the woman was admitted to Tewksbury State Hospital. Ashley said that when she was living in Connecticut at that time and drove up to Massachusetts several times a week to visit her.
David was finally allowed to visit her at Tewksbury State in October 2015. She appeared drugged during that visit as well, according to Ashley. And that was the visit in which Ashley said she needed to use an entire bottle of shampoo and conditioner to untangle her hair.
That was also the last time either David or Ashley were permitted to visit their family member. “We were told by Dorothy Wallace we were getting her too excited and they were trying to control her medicine,” Ashley said. “That was an excuse. How else is she going to react when she sees her family and wants to go home? Of course, she’s going to get upset.”
Ashley did manage to see her sister without permission at Tewksbury State in December when she visited under an assumed name. She gave her Christmas presents during that visit. It was the last time she would see her.
In May, Ashley found out she was pregnant and learned that she was going to have a girl. She contacted the guardian to ask whether her sister would be allowed to come to the baby shower, which was planned for a restaurant in Andover. She said Wallace denied the request and told her that her sister would not be informed that she was pregnant.
Family friend also denied visits
The family friend who initially reported the alleged sexual abuse of the woman to police had initially been allowed to visit her, as noted earlier. However, when the friend tried to visit the woman at Tewksbury State in April on her 28th birthday, she was told that she was no longer there.
The friend said she was also told by a staff member at the hospital that she too had been placed on a no-visitor list. She said she was not given a reason for that prohibition. The friend said she understood that the only family member still allowed any contact at that point with the woman was the aunt, who had previously had little to do with her.
Ashley said David did hear from his daughter one last time in July when she apparently managed to find a cell phone and called him. She said the cell phone had a New Hampshire area code, but that the woman did not know where she was. The call was terminated after two or three minutes, she said.
“At that point, we knew she was still alive,” Ashley said. “But that’s all we knew.”
Call the Barr’s local legislators
When we at COFAR heard about this case, we contacted the office of David Barr’s local House member, State Representative Linda Dean Campbell. Both Ashley and the family friend had previously contacted Campbell’s office, but a staff member in the office indicated at that time that the office could do little to help them.
When we contacted Rep. Campbell’s office earlier this month, the staff member did offer to contact DDS on behalf of the Barrs. The staffer reported back that DDS would not discuss the case with Campbell’s office, but would pass along Campbell’s concerns to others in the Department.
You can contact Rep. Campbell’s office at 617-722-2430, or send an email to Linda.Campbell@mahouse.gov, and urge them to continue to try to work with DDS to resolve this case.
In addition, you can contact Governor Baker’s office at 617-725-4005; and DDS Commissioner Elin Howe at 617-727-5608; or email: elin.howe@state.ma.us. Say you believe David and Ashley’s visits to their family member should be restored immediately. Also, let them know that you hope and expect that as part of their review of the case, DDS officials will contact and interview both David and Ashley.
Guardianship under fire by the same groups that oppose congregate care and support privatization
Guardianship of persons with developmental disabilities is under fire in Massachusetts and elsewhere, and families could see their advocacy rights eroded as a result.
One prominent threat to guardianship appears to be embodied in a process called Supported Decision Making (SDM).
Under SDM, individual guardians are replaced by teams or “network supporters,” who enter into written agreements with disabled individuals to “help them make decisions” about their care, finances, living arrangements and other areas. The network supporters can include family members, friends, and corporate service providers, according to the Center for Public Representation, which is pushing for SDM in Massachusetts.
There are some promising aspects to SDM, but a number of concerning aspects as well.
To the extent that it can or does replace irresponsible or uncaring guardians with supportive teams, SDM would appear to have a potential to improve the lives of many people.
On the concerning side, SDM does not appear to be well designed for people with severe levels of disability. Those people are most in need of the protections of guardianship; yet, many SDM advocates paint guardianship with a broad, negative brush and don’t appear to acknowledge the value that family members, in particular, bring as guardians to the lives of their loved ones.
As Jill Barker notes in the Michigan-based DD News Blog:
Many advocates for SDM state explicitly that their goal is to eliminate guardianship. Others state that this is not what they are trying to do, but their words and actions show that they intend to make guardianship as difficult to obtain as possible.
Moreover, many of those SDM advocates appear to be from the same groups that have long opposed critically important congregate-care options for the developmentally disabled, and their language in support of SDM is similar to their longstanding ideological language in opposition to congregate care. In particular, they make the same questionable charges about guardianship that they have about congregate care — that guardianship leads to “segregation,” and that all persons under guardianship are prevented from “reaching their potential.”
We believe that like congregate care, guardianship is a necessary part of the total spectrum of care, particularly for people with the most severe levels of developmental disability, and that those choices and options shouldn’t be taken away from disabled individuals and their families.
As a result, we counsel parents of developmentally disabled children to consider obtaining guardianship rights when their child reaches the age of 18. Without such rights, family members are likely to have virtually no say in the decisions that are made by providers and the Department of Developmental Services with regard to their loved ones with developmental disabilities.
In a position paper on SDM, the VOR, a national advocacy organization for people with developmental disabilities and a COFAR affiliate, contends that SDM “could weaken protections for those who are the most vulnerable, the very people for whom guardianship laws were originally written.” The VOR adds that SDM threatens “to remove an individual who lacks the capacity to make his or her own decisions from the protection of the court and ongoing evaluation.”
Similar groups and similar language against guardianship and congregate care
The CPR and similar advocacy organizations in other states favor reducing residential options and choices, particularly when it comes to congregate care, and they use similar arguments to support the replacement of guardianship with SDM.
The CPR has supported or been involved in numerous lawsuits to close developmental centers over the objections of families of residents. Their argument has been that clinical experts know better than family members about what is in the best interest of their loved ones. Those advocates also support the dismantling of sheltered workshops and the privatization of residential services for the developmentally disabled.
The CPR is now making similar questionable claims against guardianship and in favor of SDM. In a PowerPoint presentation delivered in 2014, the CPR maintained that guardianship results in “civil death” for developmentally disabled persons, and that a key principle of SDM is that “people are not inherently incompetent.”
That latter claim, which has also been made in opposition to congregate care, seems absurd to us if it means that no individual can be found to be incompetent. Laws in Massachusetts and most other states require that people be found incompetent by courts in order to be considered for guardianship. If SDM advocates believe that no one is truly incompetent, then they must believe court rulings around the country involving thousands upon thousands of people were wrong. We don’t believe it’s possible that all, or even most, of those decisions were wrong.
Nevertheless, in a law journal article, SDM-proponent Leslie Salzman includes the following statement, which includes no citation, in a footnote:
Virtually everyone has the ability to participate in the decisions affecting his or her life, with the possible exceptions of persons who are comatose or in a persistent vegetative state. (my emphasis)
The CPR does acknowledge that some things about guardianship are good. In the 2014 PowerPoint, the CPR states that guardianship “offers a form of protection and provides some safeguards against abuse,” and that guardianship “makes it clear who is the ‘decider.’” But the CPR goes on to claim that guardianship results in a “loss of legal personhood” and a loss of civil rights such as the right to marry and vote. And the CPR contends that guardianship leads to possible exploitation by the guardian.
We disagree with the CPR’s claims. First, it does not appear to be true that a person under guardianship can’t vote. According to the Handbook for Massachusetts Guardians, which is published by the Massachusetts Guardianship Association, some incapacitated persons may have sufficient capacity to marry or vote. In those cases, the guardian can seek the court’s approval for such actions.
Also, as the Massachusetts handbook notes, current state law provides a number of protections for persons under guardianship and encourages limited guardianships when possible. Among the legal protections in place now is a requirement that guardians seek court authorization to make many major decisions for the incapacitated person – for example, admitting someone to a nursing facility for long-term care. The guardianship handbook further advises guardians to act in the incapacitated person’s best interest at all times, to do what that person desires to do, and to visit them at least monthly.
While it’s true that guardians can potentially exploit incapacitated people in their care, we are not sure that exploitation is less likely with SDM. If corporate providers, in particular, are on the SDM “network” teams, then there is a potential conflict of interest involved, since providers stand to make money by advocating for more services.
Barker points out in the DD News Blog that “guardianship abuse from family members can occur,” but she draws a crucial distinction — which SDM advocates appear to ignore — between the appointment of family members as guardians, and the appointment of attorneys, corporate entities and other professionals to that role. Family members, Baker states, are far more likely to attend to the needs and wishes of their loved ones under guardianship than are corporate or state guardians “with dozens of wards.”
Barker, who is critical of the SDM movement, adds:
Although there are horrific stories about what can happen to people under guardianship, we rarely see stories about unpaid family guardians who defend their family members against agencies and individuals who, through neglect or the intentional desire to do harm or simply to save money, exploit vulnerable people with disabilities.
We’ve witnessed this type of family support in many, many cases, such as that of Stan McDonald, who stopped clinicians and providers from giving unnecessary and dangerous anti-psychotic medications to his son, Andy.
Confusing the causes of isolation
In the law journal article, Salzman brings up many of the same arguments against guardianship that the CPR and the providers have used against congregate care, including the segregation charge. But she doesn’t appear to distinguish between degrees of intellectual or developmental disability.
For instance, Salzman states that when an incapacitated person loses their decision-making power to a guardian, they experience feelings of isolation and helplessness, which leads to a further loss in functional abilities in a “vicious cycle.” But while this might be true for relatively high-functioning persons, it is certainly less true for lower-functioning individuals. And it incorrectly assumes that all guardians, including family members, act as dictators and don’t solicit or take into account their wards’ wishes.
Salzman also appears to identify the wrong causes of the isolation she refers to. She argues that persons with developmental disabilities feel isolation due to guardianship and to living in large institutions. But we have found that the isolation felt by these individuals is not due to guardianship or living in institutions, but actually to living in community-based settings.
There is often little real community integration in these privatized settings despite their being characterized as community-based. Unfortunately, there are usually few if any other choices available to guardians among residential settings because so many congregate-care settings have now been shut down and because states like Massachusetts fail to inform people waiting for residential placements of either congregate-care or state-operated sites that remain.
The lack of congregate-care options combined with the privatization of residential care appear to have actually increased the isolation of both individuals with disabilities and their families. Family-supported networking organizations have disappeared as developmental centers have been shut down. People with developmental disabilities are often trapped in group homes in which they are rarely taken out into the community.
In Connecticut, families have lately protested the planned privatization of state-run group homes, with one family filing a lawsuit to preserve their current facilities. There are huge amounts of money to be made in privatization, in particular, and families seem to get in the way of that process.
As we noted, SDM may well work for high-functioning people, but we believe there would nevertheless have to be strict controls on it. We think that means, at the least, that corporate providers should not be permitted on the SDM “network” teams.
For lower-functioning people, our concern is that even if family members enter into SDM voluntarily, they may not realize that their decision-making power may well be diluted under those circumstances. Why would a family member want to agree to be just one vote on a team when it comes to the care of a son, daughter, brother, or sister? We are all for limited guardianships when appropriate, but that team approach doesn’t make sense to us unless it is clear that the family member has the final say in all decisions.
Rather than eliminating guardianship, it would seem we should continue to work to improve the system, particularly for incapacitated individuals and their families. One reform is to ensure that attorneys are appointed to represent all individuals under guardianship if it is requested. Another is for the Legislature to finally pass Stan McDonald’s bill that presumes family members to be the most suitable guardians for their loved ones.

