Refiled Supported Decision Making bill contains all of the same flaws as its predecessor
Last year, we worked to stop a flawed bill in the state Legislature that would have introduced Supported Decision Making (SDM) in Massachusetts.
Fortunately, that legislation died at the end of the previous two-year legislative session when two separate committees declined to release identical versions of the bill to the House and Senate floors.
The bad news is that not only has the legislation not surprisingly now been refiled in the new legislative session, but everything we objected to last year has remained in the bill. None of our proposed changes to the legislation that would possibly have made it workable have been adopted in the new draft.
The refiled bill, H.261, is sponsored by Representatives Jay Livingstone and Michael Finn. Livingstone is House chair of the Children, Families, and Persons with Disabilities Committee, and is familiar with our objections to last year’s version of the bill.
Last year, the Children and Families Committee reported the legislation favorably and sent one version of it to the Rules Committee and another version to the House Ways and Means Committee. Neither of those two latter committees acted on the measure, however, and it died at the end of the session.
However, the legislation is again before the Children and Families Committee, and appears to be identical to last year’s version. No doubt, the Children and Families Committee, which has the same co-chairs as last session, will report the bill favorably again in this session.
In the Senate, S. 155, refiled by Senator Joan Lovely, contains much of the same language as H. 261. The Senate bill is also now before the Children and Families Committee.
Mass. Bankers Association still involved
As was the case with the final version of the legislation last year, the Massachusetts Bankers Association would be involved in the implementation of SDM, under this year’s legislation. The lobbying organization would be involved in developing a training program on the rights and obligations of SDM supporters, and would be appointed to an SDM commission that would study the feasibility of a state registry of all existing SDM agreements in the state.
Without safeguards, SDM appears in our view to hold a potential to overturn guardianships of persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD).
The legislation would authorize written agreements to replace guardians of persons with I/DD with informal teams of “supporters” or advisors. The supporters would provide those individuals with “decision-making assistance” about their care and finances.
However, “incapacitation” is not defined in the legislation. Any individual under guardianship is considered under the Probate Code to be incapacitated. The SDM bills do not provide a standard level of capacity of an individual below which SDM would not be feasible.
Under the legislation, the incapacitated individual is labeled “the decision maker.” The legislation, as has always been the case in the past, defines the “decision maker” in an SDM arrangement only as “an adult who seeks to execute, or has executed, a supported decision-making agreement with one or more supporters.”
There are no further qualifications for being a decision maker. There are no distinctions among levels of disability. Thus, there is no consideration in the legislation as to whether persons with low levels of cognitive functioning are capable of making and appreciating life-altering decisions.
The legislation would also introduce conflicts between SDM supporters and guardians; does not direct the probate court to resolve those conflicts; and does not direct the Disabled Persons Protection Commission (DPPC) to enforce a provision against coercion in signing SDM agreements. The legislation also does not provide any means of enforcing a weak provision against conflicts of interest held by SDM supporters who work for corporate providers to the Department of Developmental Services (DDS).
Additional burden of proof
As we have pointed out to Representative Livingstone and other legislators, the SDM legislation would add to the burden of proof that a petitioner already faces in probate court in order to become a guardian. Thus, we think that this legislation may predispose probate court judges to deny guardianship petitions in favor of SDM agreements.
The legislation specifically would require anyone petitioning in probate court to become a guardian to state why a more limited guardianship or an SDM agreement was “inappropriate.” (emphasis added)
That additional burden requires a change to the Massachusetts Uniform Probate Code (M.G.L. c. 190B). So, while proponents of SDM often insist that the process of entering into SDM agreements is completely voluntary and informal, there is nothing voluntary about the additional burden the legislation would place on persons petitioning to become guardians of family members with I/DD.
And that raises the question whether signing an SDM agreement is really voluntary for every potential “decision maker.”
Is SDM really voluntary or is that wishful thinking?
Much of the verbiage in the SDM legislation and among proponents of SDM appears to be wishful thinking, particularly, that the process of entering into SDM arrangements is completely voluntary.
The legislation states, for instance, that “evidence of undue influence or coercion in the creation or signing of a supported decision-making agreement shall render the supported decision-making agreement invalid.”
But who would determine whether there was undue coercion in those cases, and how would it be enforced? The legislation doesn’t answer those questions.
Moreover, the bill defines “coercion” as “the use of force or threats to persuade someone to do something.” But people with I/DD often don’t have the level of skepticism or other cognitive defense mechanisms to prevent what may be much more subtle forms of coercion than outright threats or force.
Other wishful-thinking provisions in the legislation include a statement that SDM supporters must “Act honestly, diligently, and in good faith.” Also, that supporters must “Act within the scope identified by the decision-maker,” and that they must “Support and implement the direction, will, and preferences of the decision-maker. “
It is impossible to enforce those provisions because it is often impossible to know in many cases what the will or preferences are of persons who don’t fully understand the choices they are being asked to make.
Similarly wishful is a statement in the legislation that “(SDM) supporters shall not make decisions for the decision-maker.” It is meaningless to assume in every case that a person with ID is meaningfully making key decisions.
Fraud and abuse enforcement provisions are weak
The SDM legislation does appear to recognize that fraud and abuse could be at play in SDM arrangements because it specifically authorizes the DPPC and DDS to petition the probate court to revoke or suspend SDM supporters “on the grounds of abuse, neglect, exploitation or failure of the supporter to follow their roles and responsibilities resulting in serious physical, emotional, or financial harm to the decision-maker…” (emphasis added)
The legislation further states that “a person who has cause to believe that the decision maker is being abused, neglected or exploited by a supporter, may report the alleged abuse, neglect or exploitation to the DPPC.”
However, the DPPC, in particular, does not have the resources to conduct more than a small percentage of abuse and neglect investigations of caretakers. As a result, the DPPC refers most abuse investigations to DDS, which as we have pointed out, raises its own set of conflict-of-interest issues.
As a result, it seems unlikely that either the DPPC or DDS would petition the probate court to revoke or suspend SDM supporters unless there were overwhelming evidence of such abuse.
Seeking to prevent guardianships prior to adulthood
As was the case with previous versions of the legislation, the current House and Senate bills would require the state to promulgate regulations to inform secondary education students of “the availability of SDM as an alternative to adult guardianship.”
So, the intent here appears to be to persuade parents to enter their children with developmental disabilities into SDM arrangements on their 18th birthdays when parents would normally petition for guardianship. The legislation specifically states that at the first IEP (Individual Education Plan) meeting after a student has turned 16, the IEP team must “inform the student and their family or guardian, of the availability of supported decision-making agreements as an alternative to guardianship and conservatorship.”
In addition, the IEP team would be required to assist the child and their family or guardian “in locating resources to assist in establishing a supported decision-making plan if the child and their family or guardian are interested in supported decision-making.”
This is concerning to us because it appears to be intended to discourage families from seeking guardianship when their disabled children turn 18. That, in our view, would be a step toward eliminating guardianship altogether.
Records-sharing requirement raises concern
As was the case previously, the current legislation gives individual SDM supporters the authority to obtain confidential psychological and medical information about the disabled individual, and then requires them to keep that information confidential from others.
That leads to a question: If the disabled individual also has a guardian, why would SDM supporters with no formal relationship to the person also need access to those records? And, if one or more of those supporters was to find something concerning in the records, would they be required to keep that information from the guardian due to the confidentiality requirement?
Weak conflict-of-interest provision
The newly filed legislation does not improve on what was a weak provision in previous SDM legislation regarding a potential conflict of interest that arises when SDM supporters are also employees of DDS-funded group home providers.
The legislation states that:
A supporter shall not participate in any life decision in which they have a conflict of interest. This includes, but is not limited to, any decision in which the supporter, his or her immediate family or partner, a business organization in which he or she is serving as officer, director, trustee, partner or employee has a financial interest or other direct and substantial interest in the outcome.
Such a provision is better than nothing. But even under this provision, an employee of a provider serving the individual could nevertheless serve as an SDM supporter and participate in life decisions in which the provider doesn’t have a direct financial interest. For instance, it could be a possible future financial interest.
In our view, this provision does not fully protect individuals with I/DD against conflicts of interest by supporters. The legislation also doesn’t provide for enforcement of this provision.
We believe employees of providers that offer services to SDM “decision makers” should not be allowed to participate in SDM agreements, period.
We urge people to send emails to the co-chairs of the Children and Families Committee with a link to this post. Ask that the Committee work to finally address our concerns about this legislation.
The Committee co-chairs are Senator Robyn Kennedy at Robyn.Kennedy@masenate.gov, and Rep. Livingstone at Jay.Livingstone@mahouse.gov.
Thanks!
Mother’s relationship with autistic son came apart after what she said was a sudden turn against her by the state
Janet had always had a close relationship with her son Frankie, who has autism. (We are using pseudonyms for the mother and son to protect their identities.)
For years, Janet said, things had gone smoothly with the Department of Developmental Services (DDS), which had provided services to her son while he lived at home with her.
But at the age of 27, Frankie wanted independence, and Janet arranged with his clinicians to let him have his own apartment in November 2023. Frankie had a girlfriend who moved in with him, and that’s when things started to go south, according to Janet.
Janet said the girlfriend arranged for Frankie to be represented by a state-funded attorney, and Janet suddenly found herself accused by the attorney of being “emotionally unstable,” of “terrorizing” her son, and of refusing services for him. She said she was even accused at the time by the girlfriend of stealing her son’s car, when in fact, she owned the car.
The attorney sought to remove Janet’s guardianship of her son, and Janet is now also separately facing criminal charges in this matter of assault and trespassing. We are advocating for Janet in probate court, and are hoping the criminal charges are dropped.
Frankie has aphasia, a disorder that impedes language comprehension, and has anxiety and difficulty managing stress. Janet said Frankie is also susceptible to manipulation by people who may not have his best interests at heart.
Janet said that while Frankie lived with her, she had a good relationship with the DDS area office that served him.
But the area office changed in March of last year, a few months after Frankie moved into his own apartment in a new DDS district. The change of the office was completed roughly at the same time that Frankie’s girlfriend moved in with him.
In an arrangement planned in conjunction with Frankie’s clinicians, Janet moved into an apartment in the same building, two floors below Frankie’s apartment. They no longer lived together, but Janet said she was still able to help her son and be his “safety net,” as of one of his clinicians had recommended.
Janet initially helped Frankie’s girlfriend, who had reportedly been in danger of homelessness, and even reluctantly had the girlfriend’s name added to the lease for Frankie’s apartment. She said she assisted the girlfriend with applications for housing, transportation services, health insurance, ensuring medical appointments, and Social Security benefits.
But Janet said the girlfriend, in return, was far from grateful, and began to try to separate her from her son. She said the girlfriend then helped Frankie file the paperwork for the state-funded attorney to represent him in order to seek Janet’s removal by the court as his guardian. “She (the girlfriend) told me I was the competition,” Janet said.
As noted, Janet found herself suddenly accused in May of last year of terrorizing her son, refusing services for him and stealing his car.
Janet said there was no precedent or evidence for these accusations, yet the state-funded attorney used the accusations as a basis for a motion in probate court for Janet’s removal and the appointment of a new guardian.
The day before the attorney filed the motion, Janet said, she had entered Frankie’s apartment to find Frankie and his girlfriend meeting there with the attorney and with two care workers from the new DDS area office. At that time, Frankie told her the meeting was about removing her as his guardian. She said Frankie said he had been told by one of the DDS workers that he could not continue to receive DDS services if his mother continued to be his guardian.
The court did order Janet’s suspension as guardian in August, and appointed a new state-funded guardian who had never known or met Frankie. Janet was then forbidden from talking to her son’s doctors, and even from entering her son’s apartment after her son and his girlfriend obtained a no-trespass order against her last September.
Janet maintains that none of these things fit her son’s personality. She contends he was totally under the control of his girlfriend.
Then, after the removal of her guardianship, Janet was accused by the girlfriend of having assaulted her, which Janet denies, and with violating the no-trespass order. Janet now found herself facing criminal assault and trespassing charges.
By way of disclosure, I am acting as Janet’s advocate in her ongoing guardianship case in probate court. She also has an attorney in that case and a court-appointed attorney in the criminal trespass and assault case. COFAR does not charge for advocacy services.
As part of her effort to defend herself in probate court, Janet submitted glowing testimonials from friends and colleagues, describing her as a committed mother and advocate for her son.
We have researched and analyzed many guardianship cases involving persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities for many years. Janet’s case appears to fit a pattern in which DDS and its service providers blame parents and other family members and guardians for problems that arise when the care process breaks down (See our blog post last week).
We think that is because family members and guardians have the least power and ability to contest that blame.
Testimonials
Janet submitted six references to the probate court from friends and professionals who vouched for her character and her efforts and value as a mother to Frankie. At least three of the individuals who provided references expressed concerns that Frankie was being manipulated by his girlfriend into turning against his mother. Three of the references were affidavits signed under the pains and penalties of perjury.
One of the references was from Frankie’s church youth group leader, who described Janet as “a phenomenal mother. A rock and an advocate for him.”
A longtime friend of Janet’s stated that should Janet be permanently removed as her son’s legal guardian, “it would be detrimental to his health and safety. He would be lost.”
Another longtime friend wrote that Janet “has persevered to always be there for her son…, and literally showered him with love, respect, patience, and a desire for him to lead as normal a life as possible.”
A former neighbor of Janet’s wrote that Janet “demonstrated patience like no other mother I’ve seen… There is no doubt (Frankie) still requires (Janet’s) guidance. To remove her from this role would be an injustice to (Frankie) after all she has done for him throughout his life and continues to guide him with love and his best interest at heart.”
Mother pushed out of the picture
For the foreseeable future, Janet remains isolated from her son, and is tormented by the conviction that he is regressing into poor behaviors and habits. The state-funded guardian, she believes, is letting this all happen.
“She (the guardian) ignores what I’m telling her,” Janet said, and lately has refused to respond to Janet’s calls and text messages. Janet said she wants the probate judge in the case to understand that she is the only person in Frankie’s life right now who has his best interest at heart. But she’s not sure that message is getting through to the judge.
The judge has so far denied Janet’s request to be allowed to communicate with Frankie’s doctors. DDS, meanwhile, is seeking to remove her as her son’s representative payee for his Social Security payments.
The state-funded guardian is further opposing Janet’s request that she and Frankie undergo counseling together from Frankie’s clinicians.
“My job is to keep (Frankie) safe at all costs,” Janet said. “This is who he is and this is what he requires — supervision.”
Driving in unsafe conditions and trying to tip over a casket
Recently, Janet said, Frankie went out in subfreezing weather at night, with the temperature in single digits, wearing only pajamas and a light jacket, and drove her car to a party. He also drove on another occasion under similar conditions to a mall. “The road conditions were bad,” she said. “There was no reason for him to go. Those things would have never happened under my watch.
“Yet (the state-funded guardian) thinks it was appropriate,” Janet continued. “I had to remind her that was not appropriate given the temperatures that day. What if he were to get a flat tire or had to get out of the car for any reason? That is not appropriate attire and he could freeze”.
In another incident in December, Janet said, Frankie showed up with his girlfriend at a wake for the mother of a friend of Janet’s. Janet, who wasn’t able to attend the wake and didn’t know her son had gone to it, later found out that Frankie had shocked everyone there by trying to tip over the casket while his girlfriend watched. Janet’s friend was furious at her for not having Frankie under her control.
Based on the records we have reviewed and our interviews with Janet, we are concerned that she has been removed as the guardian of her son based on weak or nonexistent evidence. It further appears that a report of a court officer, known as a guardian ad litem, to the judge recommending Janet’s removal was biased against her.
The guardian ad litem appears to have relied on accounts and accusations made by witnesses who are hostile to Janet, and not to have interviewed or else failed to include accounts of witnesses supporting Janet in this dispute. The report even appears to have failed to include Janet’s own rebuttals to the charges against her.
We think that if one considers the entire history of Janet’s care of her son, it is evident that the accusations against her lack credibility. It defies common sense that a mother would care for her son without serious problems or conflicts for 27 years, and then, suddenly become an abuser who “terrorizes” her son and others.
We are working to try to help ensure that justice prevails in this case, and that Janet is reunited with her son and her guardianship is restored. We also hope the criminal charges against her are dropped. This case appears to be a test as to whether the system works even to a minimal degree.
Mother claims retaliation by DDS in termination of ‘poorly run’ residential program for daughter
In July 2023, the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) created what was described as a novel residential program for two intellectually disabled women who had been subjected to poor care and conditions in a previous group home.
The Department proposed to rent an apartment in Andover for the women, and staff the new residence with direct care workers. Those workers would be employees of Northeast Residential Services (NRS), a division of DDS, which operates group homes in DDS’s Northeast Region of the state.
It was promised by DDS as a long-term solution to the problems associated with the previous placement, and appeared to be a new approach to residential care. It would be a state-run setting that nevertheless promised to be less restrictive and possibly more integrated with the community than would a group home.
It was to be an apartment where the two women could lead independent lives while still receiving Intensive Support Services from DDS.

Mia Cappuccio at Northeastern University recently for Operation House Call, a community-engagement program with medical students that her parents arranged for her to participate in.
But DDS suddenly terminated the program last April, only eight months after it began. Jeanne Cappuccio, the mother of Mia, one of the two roommates, said the termination was an act of retaliation against her for having reported an incident of alleged emotional abuse of Mia by a staff member.
Jeanne maintains that far from providing better care than the previous group home had provided, DDS never appeared to be committed to making the new residential program work. Soon after the women moved into the apartment on July 4, 2023, Jeanne said, she realized that only four staff were being made available to the women even though both need care 24/7. As was the case with Mia’s previous group home, few activities were provided in the apartment, she said.
Then, in September 2023, just two months into the program, NRS removed the part-time residential manager of the residence.
That month, Jeanne sent an email to NRS administrators, contending the staff were failing to provide exercise activities for Mia and were allowing Mia to spend her money on junk food even though she had contracted diabetes after engaging in that same behavior in her previous residence.
And, Jeanne wrote, the staff in the new residence were failing to provide information about meals served there; were not working with Mia to participate in household activities such as cleaning her room or doing laundry; and were not providing community-engagement activities for her.
Termination appeared to be an act of retaliation for abuse complaint
According to Jeanne, rather than agreeing to investigate and resolve her concerns, DDS administrators became dismissive and increasingly hostile toward her.
Then came an incident on February 20, 2024, when Jeanne was talking with Mia over the phone and overheard a staff member begin shouting at her daughter to get back in her room. Her daughter had been attempting to do her laundry, but the staff member would not let her do it. She said her daughter began crying.
Jeanne said she tried calling both NRS and DDS to express her concern about the situation. But there was no response, so she drove to apartment. Still unable to get any answers, she filed a complaint with the Disabled Persons Protection Commission (DPPC).
This was not the first such incident involving the staff and Mia. Jeanne said this incident had followed an incident a few months prior in which a staff member, while driving Mia back from her day program, had threatened to kick Mia out of the car and leave her on the side of the road because she was crying.
In addition, staff in the apartment often bullied Mia, according to Jeanne, by doing such things as sending her to her room for being “annoying,” and refusing to let her leave the table after meals until she ate everything on her plate. They often refused to answer questions she had about completing tasks.
On February 21, 2024, a day after Jeanne filed her DPPC complaint, NRS Director Scott Kluge emailed Jeanne, contending she had misrepresented the incident in the laundry room, and accusing Jeanne of “continuing to create a toxic environment for your daughter to live in and for our staff to work in.” As usual, Jeanne said, DDS and NRS were blaming her for shortcomings in care, for which they themselves were responsible.
Kluge, who had not been present in the residence at the time of the laundry incident, maintained that Jeanne’s “behavior was unacceptable,” and then said, “I strongly encourage you to work with the (DDS) Area Office to discuss other service options as clearly this is not working.”
Jeanne contends that Kluge’s February 21 email was a not-too-subtle threat that he might evict Mia from the program in retaliation for her mother’s complaint to the DPPC.
Then, on February 23, 2024, just two days later, Kluge emailed Jeanne to tell her that the residential program would indeed be terminated in roughly a month, and that the cause was a staffing shortage. But Jeanne pointed out that no such shortage was indicated in Mia’s Individual Support Plan (ISP), which had been completed and processed by DDS on February 12, just over a week before. The ISP did not identify any concerns about Mia’s supports or services.
But DDS was not done. On the same day that Kluge announced the termination of the program, DDS’s legal division petitioned in Middlesex Probate Court to limit or possibly eliminate Jeanne’s and her husband Tom’s co-guardianship of Mia. That action had come out of the blue. There was no indication in Mia’s ISP that she didn’t need guardianship from her parents.
Jeanne said that DDS eventually withdraw its petition, but only after she had initiated discovery proceedings against DDS in the case.
Unfortunately, Jeanne’s allegations about the Andover program appear to jibe with complaints we’ve heard from many family members and guardians that both DDS and its corporate providers retaliated against them when they raised concerns about poor care and conditions in DDS-funded programs. (See some examples of that can be found here, here, here, here, and here.)
State Senator Kennedy and other legislators ‘ignored us’
Partly at our suggestion, Jeanne sought support from key state legislators before and after the program termination, particularly from the co-chairs of the Children, Families, and Persons with Disabilities Committee. She did manage to arrange two virtual meetings with a member of the staff of State Senator Robyn Kennedy, Senate chair of the committee.
But Jeanne said that while Kennedy’s aide had promised to set up a meeting with the senator, to which Mia wanted to go, that promise wasn’t kept. She added that she also emailed Representative Jay Livingstone, House chair of the Children and Families Committee, and the rest of the committee members, but never heard back from them.
Pushing ‘self-directed services’
Jeanne contends that in addition to reacting negatively when she raised concerns about Mia’s care in the residence, DDS officials began pushing her to adopt a “self-directed services” model under which Mia would live and receive services in her parents’ home. Under self-direction, the individual or their guardian is given a budget by DDS and is directed to choose their own services and hire their own staff.
Many advocates and family members have expressed frustration that statutory requirements governing self-directed services are not being met by DDS, and that the Department’s allocated budgets are inadequate.
Nevertheless, when Jeanne complained in September 2023 about a lack of activities for Mia and other problems in the residence, DDS Northeast Regional Director Kelly Lawless replied in an email that, “I want to reply to make sure you understand that if you are not satisfied with the services that NRS provides, you should reach out to the Area Office to discuss Self-Direction.”
But Jeanne said that while she did express interest in learning more about self-directed services, DDS never specified a budget for it even though she had asked repeatedly for that information.
Program termination appealed
Jeanne has now launched the second of two administrative appeals of the termination of the apartment program, arguing that it amounted to an eviction of Mia and her roommate without complying with regulations requiring DDS to offer her improved services elsewhere.
Jeanne’s first appeal, which was filed shortly before the program was terminated in March 2024, was quashed by DDS in what appears to have been a violation of a DDS statute and regulation that allow clients to appeal “transfers” from one DDS-funded residence to another. As a result, she refiled her appeal with the state Division of Administrative Law Appeals (DALA) in December.
By way of disclosure, I am acting as Jeanne’s advocate in seeking a DALA hearing in that refiled appeal. DDS initially objected to my role, but was overruled by the DALA magistrate. However, DDS has also filed a motion to dismiss Jeanne’s appeal. We have filed briefs objecting to the Department’s motion.
DDS is continuing to use an argument, first employed against Jeanne at the time the program was terminated, that she has no grounds to appeal to DALA because she took Mia back home with her and Tom just days before the termination, and therefore no appealable “transfer” actually took place.
Our response to that argument is that Jeanne and Tom had no choice but to take Mia home because all services were about to end in the apartment. We maintain that DDS’s argument was and is disingenuous. The termination of the services amounted an eviction of Mia; and that eviction was effectively a transfer. The only difference between an eviction and a transfer is there is no suitable alternative location in an eviction.
We are asking DALA to order DDS to comply with all of the provisions of the transfer statute by acting with reasonable promptness to find another residential program for Mia, which would provide her with improved services and meet all requirements in her ISP. In the meantime, we argue, DDS should be ordered to provide sufficient supports and staffing to Mia in her current location to meet those same ISP requirements.
Mia’s supports and services continue to be inadequate
Since April 1, 2024, Mia has continued to reside in her parents’ home. While Tom is now paid as a shared living caregiver for Mia, Jeanne maintains that both she and Tom, who are in their 60s, are “overwhelmed with the challenges of providing Mia’s intensive supports and maintaining our commitments to our full time jobs.”
Jeanne said she and Tom are dedicating the majority of their time to Mia’s care, including her need for activities, companionship, nutrition, medication, medical appointments, and legal challenges. But it has been inadequate because DDS has not provided Mia with physical therapy nursing, or counseling services for the past year. She said Mia continues to have night terrors and has become more timid and inhibited as a result of the treatment she received from some of the staff in the apartment.
Yet Mia wants to be independent, Jeanne said. “She (Mia) wants to live in a home with a housemate with similar interests and goals and she wants to have friends,” Jeanne added. “She wants to live a full meaningful life in accordance with the DDS rules and regulations. She is not asking for anything above that. It should not be impossible.”
Jeanne said that in March of last year, with the termination of the apartment program looming, DDS Northeast Regional Director Kelly Lawless told her that, “‘What you (Jeanne) are seeking does not exist in DDS.'” She said she responded to Lawless that she “was advocating for adequate care and intensive supports for Mia. I asked her why that doesn’t exist in DDS, and she said that, ‘Your expectations are too high.'”
Clearly, expecting adequate care is not an unreasonably high expectation.
Mia herself seemed to sum it up during a bill sharing session hosted earlier this month by the Massachusetts Developmental Disabilities Council (MDDC), which Mia participated in via Zoom. “I want to help people and be a part of the community,” Mia said during the recorded session, with her mother sitting beside her.
Mia was helped in drafting her statement by a graduate student from Brandeis who was interning with the MDDC. “I want a home where I feel safe and with nice staff that will not yell at me and tell me to stay in my room,” Mia added. “I want to make choices about my life.”
Unspecified ‘settlement agreements’ allow abusive care providers to avoid placement in state Registry
[Clarification: This post has been updated to note that the settlement agreements referred to in the post were reached between the Disabled Persons Protection Commission and care providers who had filed appeals to the state Division of Administrative Law Appeals of registrable abuse affirmations.]
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State data show that in more than 40% of the cases in which care providers of persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD) appealed “registrable abuse” affirmations to a state adjudicatory body, the state entered into “settlement agreements” with those providers.
Each of those settlement agreements, which are not subject to public disclosure, enabled the care providers to avoid placement in the state’s Abuser Registry.
Meanwhile, with that data also showing that a majority of abusive care providers of clients with disabilities have been able to avoid placement in the three-year-old Registry, we are asking the co-sponsors of the Registry statute to support corrective language to that statute and regulations.
The data, provided to COFAR by the Disabled Persons Protection Commission (DPPC), show the outcomes of the first three years of the operation of the Registry, which was established under “Nicky’s Law” in 2020. The DPPC data cover a period since the database was first put into use in July 2021.
Nicky’s Law was enacted to ensure that care providers who have been found to have committed abuse or neglect are no longer able to work for the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) or for any agency funded by DDS.
We first reported in July that in only about a third of the cases in which the DPPC or DDS affirmed initial substantiations of abuse allegations against care providers did the DPPC conclude after appeals that those persons’ names should be placed in the Registry.
Care providers against whom either the DPPC or DDS have substantiated allegations of registrable abuse have two avenues of appeal under the Registry law and regulations. First, a care providers can directly petition the DPPC to either overturn the substantiation or determine that the the abuse was not “registrable.”
Second, if the DPPC denies the care provider’s appeal, the care provider can further appeal to the Division of Administrative Law Appeals (DALA), an independent state agency that conducts adjudicatory hearings.
A detailed set of DPPC data, which we received in October, show that from Fiscal Years 2022 through 2024, care providers who petitioned the DPPC had their registrable abuse findings reduced to non-registrable abuse in 65% of the cases in which the DPPC had nevertheless affirmed, after the appeals, that abuse had occurred. That meant those care providers’ names would not be placed in the Registry.
Further, care providers who lost their DPPC appeals and then exercised their right to appeal again — this time to DALA — were able to avoid placement in the Registry in 43% of those DALA appeals. Thus, out of 192 care providers who petitioned and appealed both to the DPPC and then to DALA, only 7 care providers were subsequently placed in the Registry — a placement rate of only 4% of those petitioning and appealing to both the DPPC and DALA.
A total of 122 care providers were either placed in the Registry (119) or had their placements pending (3) during the three-year period. That number includes the 7 care providers who lost both sets of appeals to the DPPC and DALA, and 115 care providers who either didn’t file any appeals or who didn’t appeal to DALA.
A total of 283 care providers were initially found by either DPPC or DDS investigators to have committed substantiated abuse. So, the placement of 122 of those care providers in the Registry is a placement rate of 43%. The placement percentage is only that high because so many care providers didn’t exercise any or all of their appeal rights.
The chart below summarizes this data. (Click to enlarge.)
Also, while a DPPC attorney had previously said that the DPPC has had a policy of placing all care providers in the Registry who were found liable for sexual abuse, the data show that in 8 instances in which those care providers petitioned the DPPC, the abuse allegations were changed from registrable to non-registrable.
The settlement agreements
According to the DPPC data, 28 care providers, who lost their petitions to the DPPC, subsequently appealed to DALA during the three-year period. Of those 28 appeals, DALA, as noted, denied only 7, clearing the way for the placement of those care providers in the Registry. DALA reversed 2 of the appealed cases from substantiated to unsubstantiated abuse.
In an additional 12 cases, the DPPC entered into unspecified “settlement agreements with care providers who had filed appeals to DALA of registrable abuse affirmations. Seven appeals remained pending.
Each of those 12 settlement agreements allowed the care provider to avoid a Registry placement. According to the DPPC, the settlement agreements “generally involve the modification of the finding of ‘registrable abuse’ to (non-registrable) ‘abuse’ upon verification that the care provider underwent corrective action, such as remedial training.” In each of the settlement agreements the appeal to DALA was subsequently withdrawn.
A DPPC attorney stated that the settlement agreements are not public records.
We have asked the DPPC for clarification as to whether potential settlement agreements are offered by the DPPC to all care providers who file appeals to DALA of registrable abuse affirmations. If not, we asked, are there criteria that determine whether a settlement agreement is offered? And are there any regulations that allow the resolution of these cases via settlement agreements?
Loophole language correction
We have proposed legislative language that we think would close a loophole in the Registry Law that currently allows so many abusive care providers to avoid placement in the Registry even in cases in which the DPPC affirms, after appeals, that abuse occurred.
The loophole appears to exist in the wide discretion given to the DPPC in determining whether a substantiated incident of abuse was isolated or whether the care provider is nevertheless still fit to provide services.
The Registry regulations state that certain factors, such as prior instances of similar conduct, “may” be considered by the DPPC in the appeal process. We think the DPPC should be required to consider that and other factors if it is to determine fairly whether a given incident was isolated or not. Leaving the decision as to what to consider up to the particular DPPC employee deciding the appeal invites suspicion that the appeal process isn’t necessarily even-handed or fair.
We have contacted the offices of three state legislators who were original co-sponsors of Nicky’s Law, which created the Abuser Registry, and asked them to file corrective legislation. They are Senators Patrick O’Connor, Michael Moore, and Bruce Tarr.
Our suggestion for such language is the following:
1. In considering petitions and appeals filed to avoid placement on the Registry, both the DPPC and DALA must consider the following factors in determining whether the incident was isolated and unlikely to reoccur and the care provider is fit to provide services and supports to persons with intellectual or developmental disabilities:
- The care provider’s employment history in working with individuals with disabilities;
- Prior instances of similar conduct by the care provider;
- Any statements or communication regarding the care provider’s work history and fitness to provide services and supports to persons with disabilities; and
- Any victim-impact statements submitted by individuals with disabilities or their family members or guardians.
2. The DPPC and DALA must place all care providers for whom sexual abuse has been substantiated and affirmed after a petition or appeal process in the Registry.
Earlier this month, a legislative aide to Senator Moore stated that the senator planned to speak with his Senate and House counterparts, as well as leadership and stakeholders, about our suggested language.
We look forward to working with Senator Moore and others in the Legislature to address this issue.
COFAR opposes Healey’s decision to close two state-run hospitals
COFAR is joining state employee unions in opposing a decision by the Healey administration to close two state-run hospitals — one for persons under 22 with developmental disabilities and the other for individuals with mental illness.
The 60-bed Pappas Rehabilitation Hospital in Canton offers medical, rehabilitative, educational and recreational services for persons with developmental disabilities up to the age of 22, according to the Massachusetts Nurses Association (MNA). The administration plans to move the hospital’s programs to the state-run Western Massachusetts Hospital in Westfield.
The Pocasset Mental Health Center is a 16-bed facility that serves persons with mental illness.
“The Healey administration does not realize the importance of preserving state-owned and operated facilities that offer a comprehensive set of services to some of our most vulnerable residents,” said Thomas J. Frain, COFAR’s president. “These are unique assets whose closure may provide some short-term savings. But there will be a long-term detrimental impact to the state and taxpayers if these assets are eliminated.”
COFAR has long expressed concern that the administration has a policy of allowing the Wrentham Developmental Center and the Hogan Regional Center — its two remaining state-run congregate care centers for adults with intellectual and developmental disabilities – to close by attrition.
The Pappas Hospital in Canton hospital offers 24/7 nursing care, therapeutic services including speech and language therapies, and operates full-time classrooms. The hospital offers a wide range of recreational programs, including a therapeutic horseback riding program.
DDS facilities not targeted for similar budget cuts, but still face possible closure
The State House News Service reported that Administration and Finance officials said the closure of Pappas Hospital would save the state $31 million. The News Service also stated that Healey’s budget calls for reducing the volume of Department of Mental Health (DMH) case managers from 340 to 170.
Despite those planned cuts, Healey does not appear to be targeting the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) budget for major cuts in the coming year. She is proposing a $320.4 million or 18.9% increase in funding for corporate-run group homes.
The governor is also proposing needed though relatively modest increases in funding for the Wrentham and Hogan Centers, and for state-operated group homes in the DDS budget.
But the governor’s proposed funding increases for state-run DDS facilities do not appear to reflect an attempt to open the facilities to new admissions. That is despite the fact that thousands of individuals in the DDS system are reportedly waiting for residential placements.
We have seen a number of instances in which DDS clients have been placed in hospitals because group homes have been unable to care for them. This is despite the availability of beds in the Wrentham and Hogan facilities.
Colleen M. Lutkevich, a COFAR member and former COFAR executive director, was critical of Healey’s plan to move the Pappas Hospital programs to a state public health hospital in Westfield, in western Massachusetts. “Why can’t they duplicate those programs at the Wrentham Center, which is a half hour away, or even Hogan, which is still greater Boston?” Lutkevich asked.
“Families should not have to visit their kids three hours away,” Lutkevich added. “These are children who come home every weekend. This is truly ‘institutionalization’ – placing kids far away from their homes – in violation of DDS policies or ‘area of meaningful tie.'”
Lutkevich, a former high school guidance counselor, added that she supervised several students who were at the Pappas Hospital when she was a school counselor. “It’s wonderful place for teenagers – real friendship and camaraderie,” she said. “If they cannot keep it open they need to duplicate it and there is absolutely no reason for it to be so far away.”
Change.org petition
Please consider signing this petition calling for reconsideration of the decision to close Pappas Hospital.
Yet another legal assistance organization that apparently doesn’t deliver for families in the DDS and probate court systems
Last month, I wrote to the co-chairs of what appeared to be a highly prestigious organization that might help us find legal representation for people caught up in disputes over guardianship with the Department of Developmental Services (DDS).
The Massachusetts Access to Justice Commission bills itself on its homepage as “Working to ensure that everyone in Massachusetts has access to the justice they deserve.” The homepage adds that the Commission is concerned with “providing and improving access to justice for those unable to afford counsel.”
But how serious is this Commission really? On the surface, it would seem to be very serious. It consists of 28 commissioners who represent the top echelons of the Massachusetts legal system.
The commissioners include judges from the Superior, Probate, District and other courts in Massachusetts, attorneys with prominent law firms and legal assistance organizations, professors from major law schools in the state, two attorneys with the state Attorney General’s Office, and many others.
The chief counsel for judicial policy with the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court serves as the high court’s liaison to the Commission.
And yet, when I asked the Commission simply for information about how to ensure access to justice for people in the DDS and probate court systems, I was told that the Commission didn’t have the “authority or expertise” to help me.
A disagreement over what constitutes legal advice
I first emailed the co-chairs of the Commission on December 31, asking for answers the Commission might have to two questions:
1. What are the rules, case law etc. that govern representation of individuals in probate court and other settings by non-attorney advocates?
2. How can we find pro bono attorneys for family members involved in the DDS and probate court systems?
In a number of these cases, I noted, we have been asked by parents or other family members to help them fight efforts by DDS or other parties to remove their guardianships of their loved ones with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD), or to help them seek to restore their guardianships.
It seemed the Access to Justice Commission might have answers to those questions because the Commission’s mission statement on its website states that the Commission is committed to:
- “Providing legal services for those unable to afford counsel“;
- “Enlarging the number of attorneys trained, willing, and able to provide pro bono civil legal services”; and
- “Enlarging the number of non-lawyers trained, willing and able to provide appropriate assistance to improving access to justice.”
On January 14, two weeks after I submitted my query, Deborah Silva, the director of the Commission, responded to me that the Commission’s co-chairs had forwarded my query to her. She said, however, that the Commission didn’t have “the requisite authority or expertise to answer” my first question.
Silva subsequently wrote that, “I honestly don’t know the answer (to that question), but because the Commission is not authorized to give out legal advice, I’m not sure I’d be able to be of much help even if I did.”
As to my second question about pro bono attorneys, Silva suggested that I contact another organization — the National Academy of Elder Law Attorneys (NAELA). She later added MassProBono.org to that. More about that a bit later.
With regard to my first question about rules constraining non-attorney advocates, I responded to Silva that I actually hadn’t asked the Commission for legal advice. I had asked for information about rules that govern representation of individuals by non-attorney advocates.
My question was general in nature. I was not asking for anyone’s legal opinions about any specific legal case or cases. That latter activity — providing advice about specific legal cases — is what I would consider to be legal advice, and is what I would assume the Commission is prohibited from doing.
No help with pro bono attorneys
With regard to my second question about finding pro bono attorneys, Silva, as noted, referred me to two other organizations — NAELA and MassProBono.
My real problem with that response is that it begged the question, why would such a seemingly high-powered and prestigious organization as the Access to Justice Commission need to pass the buck and shuffle me elsewhere? The Commission not only has those dozens of highly credentialed commissioners, it has a standing committee on pro bono legal services. It certainly has its own expertise in this area.
We had, in fact, already contacted a number of legal assistance organizations, and had gotten nowhere with them, before contacting the Access to Justice Commission.
Last fall, the Boston-based Disability Law Center stated that they don’t handle guardianship cases, while the National Center on Law and Elder Rights never responded to our query.
Brockton-based South Coastal Counties Legal Services said they couldn’t take on a particular case we were proposing because they were “up to capacity.” That case involves a woman who claims she has involuntarily been placed under guardianship by an organization funded by DDS. She needs an attorney.
In November, the executive director of the Easthampton-based Center for Public Representation (CPR) expressed interest in that guardianship case. But somehow that interest later evaporated.
Unfortunately, the Access to Justice Commission appears to be more of the same. It is yet another organization that claims to be committed to providing legal representation for people who otherwise couldn’t afford it. And yet, none of these organizations seems to be able to go beyond the words and demonstrate that commitment.
We remain committed to providing advocacy for people in the DDS and probate court systems. But those systems are largely broken. It’s time the people who run the institutions wake up to this reality and stop being satisfied with printing platitudes on their websites.
Our priorities for the 2025-2026 legislative session
The 2025-2026 session of the Massachusetts Legislature began on January 1 of this year. So we are taking this opportunity to announce our priorities for this 194th legislative session.
Admissions should be opened to the ICFs and state-operated group homes
We are seeking the filing and passage of legislation that would require the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) to offer the Wrentham Developmental Center, the Hogan Regional Center and state-operated group homes as options for persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD) who are seeking residential placements in Massachusetts.
Unless the administration agrees to open those facilities to new admissions, they will eventually close. DDS data show the number of residents or the census at both the Wrentham Developmental Center and Hogan Regional Center continued to drop from Fiscal Years 2019 through 2024.
The census at Wrentham dropped from 323 in Fiscal 2015 to 159 in Fiscal 2024 – a 50% drop. The census at Hogan dropped from 159 in Fiscal 2011 to 88 in Fiscal 2024 – a 45% drop.
Source: DDS
From Fiscal 2008 to 2021, the census in the state-run group home system dropped from 1,059 to 1,023 – a 3.4% decrease.
Meanwhile, the census in the state’s much larger network of privatized group homes continued to climb during that same period, rising from 6,677 to 8,290 — a 24% increase.
Currently, the privatized group home system in Massachusetts is providing substandard care even as thousands of individuals continue to wait for residential placements.
Even the Arc of Massachusetts, which has pushed for the closures of all remaining ICFs, has acknowledged a “systemic failure” in the largely privatized DDS system in which thousands of persons with I/DD are unable to get services.
State-run residential facilities, which have better trained and higher paid staff, are vital to the fabric of care in the DDS system. As Olmstead v. L.C., the landmark 1999 U.S. Supreme Court decision, recognized, there is a segment of the population with I/DD that cannot benefit from and does not desire community-based care. ICFs, in particular, must meet stringent federal standards for care that make them uniquely appropriate settings for persons with the most profound levels of disability and medical issues.
Yet, DDS does not inform individuals and families seeking residential placements that these state-run facilities even exist. During the past two years, we have reported on two admissions to ICFs in Massachusetts (here and here), but those admissions have been the exceptions. In at least two instances in the past two years, families have been unsuccessful in efforts to win placements for their loved ones at the Wrentham Center.
That policy decision by DDS to discourage or block new admissions guarantees that the number of residents in state-run residential care will continue to drop, and that the ICFs, in particular, will eventually be closed.
Right to ICF care
Despite DDS’s policy, the federal Medicaid law and its regulations confer a right to ICF care to individuals and their families and guardians.
As Medicaid.gov, the federal government’s official Medicaid website, explains, “States may not limit access to ICF/IID service, or make it subject to waiting lists, as they may for Home and Community Based Services (HCBS)” (our emphasis).
Open ICF campuses to family housing
In addition to our proposal for legislation to open the ICFs to new admissions, we are calling for legislation that would establish housing on the Wrentham and Hogan campuses for elderly family members of the residents of the facilities.
Such housing would allow families to live in proximity to their loved ones in DDS care and to establish caring communities. It would provide peace of mind to ageing parents and siblings who may find it increasingly difficult to make long trips to visit their loved ones in the facilities.
Adequate funding needed for state-run facilities in the Fiscal Year 2026 budget
In order to preserve ICFs and state-operated group homes, state funding for these settings must be adequate. We are calling for the following increases in the state budget for the coming fiscal year:
- DDS ICF line item (5930-1000). Based on the federal Bureau of Labor Statistics inflation rate of 3.1% in the Boston Metropolitan Area as of November 2024, we are requesting a $3.9 million increase in this line item, from $124,809,632 in the current fiscal year, to $128,678,731 in Fiscal Year 2026.
The ICF line item decreased by 40% between Fiscal 2012 and 2025 when adjusted for inflation.*
- DDS state-operated group home line item (5920-2010). We are requesting a $10.3 million increase in this line item, from $330,698,351 to $340,950,000 in Fiscal 2026.
The state-operated group home line item increased by 47.6% between Fiscal 2012 and 2025 when adjusted for inflation. However, that compares with an increase during that period of 65% in the corporate-provider residential line item (5920-2000). The corporate community-residential line item was $1.7 billion in Fiscal 2025.
ICF budget language should be changed
We are seeking two modifications to the language that is included every year in the ICF line item in the state budget (5930-1000). In one instance, the language mistakenly implies that the U.S. Supreme Court ordered the closures of institutions for persons with developmental disabilities.
In the second instance, the annual budget language lists three conditions for discharging clients from ICFs to the community, but leaves out one of the key conditions in Olmstead, which is that the client or their guardian does not oppose the discharge. We will request that that condition be added to the language in the line item.
Regarding the first instance, the budget language refers to Olmstead v. L.C., the Supreme Court’s landmark 1999 decision, which considered a petition by two residents of an institution in Georgia to be moved to community-based care.
The budget language states that DDS must report yearly to the House and Senate Ways and Means Committees on “all efforts to comply with …Olmstead…and… the steps taken to consolidate or close an ICF…” (our emphasis)
However, as noted above, closing institutions was not the intent of the Olmstead decision. The decision explicitly states that federal law — specifically the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) — does not require deinstitutionalization for those who don’t desire it.
We believe the annual state budget language should be changed to state: “…the steps taken to consolidate or close an ICF and the steps taken to inform families of the choices available for residential care including ICF care.”
We are concerned that the current line item language could allow the administration to justify continuing to underfund the line item, and possibly to seek the eventual closures of the Wrentham and Hogan Centers.
Regarding the second instance in which we are seeking a language change, the three conditions listed in the annual state budget for discharging clients to the community are:
- The client is deemed clinically suited for a more integrated setting;
- Community residential service capacity and resources available are sufficient to provide each client with an equal or improved level of service; and
- The cost to the commonwealth of serving the client in the community is less than or equal to the cost of serving the client in an ICF/IID…”
The first two of those conditions do match conditions listed in the Olmstead decision for allowing the discharge of clients to the community. However, there is a further condition in Olmstead, which is that such a discharge is “not opposed” by the client or their guardian. That condition is not included in the budget language, and we will request that it be included.
Choice needed in residential services
DDS holds considerable authority regarding residential placements. Families cannot change residential providers without DDS approval. We would support legislation creating a voucher system, which would allow family choice, create competition, and improve the quality of care. This would also help families who need to move to other parts of the state for work or family reasons.
Guardianship reform needed
Reform is needed of the guardianship system in probate court, which traps many families into losing disputes with DDS.
We would support a guardianship reform bill that would provide for free legal representation for family members and that would presume that parents or siblings would be suitable guardians in petitioning for guardianships.
We have long supported proposed legislation that would presume that parents, in particular, would be suitable guardians of their adult children with I/DD. This legislation was first proposed by the late Stan McDonald, who had sought unsuccessfully to regain guardianship of his intellectually disabled son.
Stan’s bill, which was most recently filed in the previous legislative session, has never gotten out of the Judiciary Committee, however.
Independent DDS appeals process
The appeals process that persons must follow regarding Individual Support Plans (ISPs) contains a serious conflict of interest in that DDS controls the entire process.
When a family member or guardian of a DDS client appeals the client’s ISP, the DDS commissioner appoints a hearing officer of its choice to decide the case. After the hearing officer decides the appeal, the commissioner can reverse the decision. We have reported on at least two instances in the past year and a half in which this appeals process has been marred by apparent bias on the part of the DDS-selected hearing officer against the appellants.
We would support a bill, which would place the entire ISP appeals process under the control of the independent state Division of Administrative Law Appeals (DALA).
DPPC Abuser Registry reform
Last year, we reported that in only a minority of the cases in which the Disabled Persons Protection Commission (DPPC) affirmed initial substantiations of abuse allegations against care providers did the agency conclude that those persons’ names should be placed in the DPPC’s Abuser Registry.
An individual whose name is listed in the Registry can no longer work in any DDS-funded care setting.
Following our report, state Senator Patrick O’Connor, the original sponsor of the legislation that created the Registry, said he was worried by our findings and that it “may be time to fine-tune” the law.
We are calling for changes in the law that include requiring the DPPC to consider several factors listed in the regulations for determining whether a care provider against whom abuse has been substantiated is really fit to continue to provide services. Right now, the regulations say only that the DPPC “may” consider factors such as previous incidents of abuse and the provider’s previous work history.
Also, we believe the regulations should explicitly require that the DPPC place care providers in the Registry in all cases in which the agency has affirmed allegations of intentional physical or sexual abuse.
Funding to corporate providers must result in higher wages for direct-care workers
Increases in state funding to the providers over the past decade have resulted in continuing increases in the pay of the provider executives. The increased state funding, however, hasn’t been passed through by the providers to their direct care employees.
We are calling for legislation that would raise the pay of direct-care workers employed by DDS corporate providers to $25 per hour.
Work opportunities needed in congregate care settings
In the wake of the closures of all sheltered workshop programs in Massachusetts as of 2016, we are calling for legislation authorizing the introduction of work opportunities for individuals in community-based day programs.
The last time such legislation was proposed appears to have been in 2019 in the form of then H.88. That legislation, however, did not make it out of committee.
Safeguards and corrections needed in Supported Decision Making legislation
During the last legislative session, identical Supported Decision Making (SDM) bills came close to final enactment, but the bills died in the House Rules and House Ways and Means Committees respectively at the end of the session. We had raised numerous concerns about the bills with those and a number of other legislative committees.
We expect the same SDM legislation will be refiled in the current session. We intend to raise similar objections to the bills unless they are redrafted to correct serious flaws.
SDM reflects a growing movement to restrict guardianships of persons with I/DD and replace those guardians with “networks” of more informal advisors. While SDM can hold promise for some high-functioning individuals, and we would support its adoption only with adequate safeguards, particularly safeguards against the potential marginalization of family members.
*From the Massachusetts Budget & Policy Center’s online Budge Browser at https://massbudget.org/budget-browser/.
An overlooked but vitally important book on the history of institutional care in Massachusetts
Among the books that anyone interested in the continuum of care for persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD) should not miss is Ingrid Grenon’s meticulously researched “From One Century to the Next: A history of Wrentham State School and the Institutional Model in Massachusetts.”
I hope the controversial Special Commission on State Institutions, which is due to release a report on the history of institutional care in Massachusetts next June, has a copy of this book. While the book can be purchased online, it is also available in libraries.
I have to confess to having missed this book, which was published in 2015, until Grenon contacted me a few weeks ago. Having now read it, I realize it makes a powerful case that institutions, in themselves, are neither good nor bad. It is how they are run that counts, just as is the case in any care setting.
As this book documents, the high point of the care and services at Wrentham — prior to the advent of the modern Intermediate Care Facility (ICF) model in the 1980s — was during the 1920s.
The 1920s, exactly a century ago, was a period when the then Wrentham State School, under the direction of its first superintendent, George Wallace, had a caring staff and administration, and offered a multitude of services and activities for the residents. Wallace displayed a genuine interest in helping them lead meaningful and productive lives.
But, as the book shows, Wrentham, like other similar institutions that sprang up in this state and around the country, entered a long decline, starting in the 1930s as it became more and more overcrowded and understaffed. By 1960, Wrentham, which was intended to house no more than 1,500 residents, had a residential population of 2,400. Today, less than 160 residents remain there.
Wrentham and other state schools in Massachusetts were finally brought back to excellence as a result of the Ricci v. Okin class action litigation in the 1970s and the intervention of the late U.S. District Court Judge Joseph L. Tauro.
A refutation of the ideology behind deinstitutionalization
Based on that historical arc, I think the book offers a compelling refutation of the longstanding and dominant ideology used to support deinstitutionalization. That ideology is based on the premise that all institutional care is bad and outdated, and that that characteristic never changes and can never change.
The book, however, shows, on a year-by-year basis, how one institution – Wrentham — progressed from very good to very bad, and back again. Wrentham did change, and it changed dramatically. It is clear that if an institution is well run and has sufficient resources, it can be a positive and even necessary option for residential care.
Grenon’s book also shows how the ongoing debate over institutional versus community-based care was central to the thinking even of Walter Fernald and Wallace way back in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
What was later to become the Fernald Developmental Center was established in 1848 as the first institution in the United States for persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities. It was later named for Walter Fernald, who became its first superintendent. The then Wrentham State School was officially opened in 1910.
Grenon’s book demonstrates that it’s not a simple proposition that the Fernald and Wrentham schools were meant to be segregated facilities, intended to keep people with intellectual disabilities out of the view of the general public. Even for Walter Fernald and George Wallace, there were two ways of looking at their facilities.
The centers could be seen from the perspective of the now discredited science of eugenics, as places to separate people with I//DD from the general population. Or they could be seen, as Wallace viewed them and Fernald later came to view them, as places where people with I/DD could be helped to lead meaningful and fulfilling lives. Unfortunately, the prevailing view today is that that former perspective regarding institutions is the only valid one.
Bellotti and Dukakis changed the game
Grenon documents Wrentham’s history virtually year by year from the early 1900s until 1993 when Judge Tauro officially disengaged from the Ricci litigation. It includes many photos from throughout that period.
In addition to consulting numerous primary sources, Grenon interviewed many key figures in the history of Wrentham and of institutional care in Massachusetts. Among those were former Governor Michael Dukakis and his then Attorney General Francis Bellotti.
Bellotti, who died yesterday (December 17) at the age of 101, took the unusual and courageous step in response to the Ricci lawsuit of refusing to defend the conditions at Wrentham, Fernald, Belchertown and the other state schools in the 1970s.
As Grenon explains, Bellotti’s refusal as attorney general to defend the administration – a position that Dukakis fully supported – meant the state would cooperate with the plaintiffs in the case. Those plaintiffs included Ben Ricci, who had brought the original lawsuit on behalf of his son, who was a resident of the then Belchertown State School.
Founding of COFAR
Grenon also interviewed John Sullivan, one of the founders of COFAR, whose daughter, Colleen Lutkevich, continues to work with this organization.
Sullivan, who died in 2017, told Grenon in 2012 that he had helped start COFAR in 1984 as a counter to the Massachusetts Arc and to Rhode Island Senator John Chaffee, both of whom were pushing to close all of the state schools and transfer all of the residents to privately run, community-based group homes.
Sullivan and other like-minded advocates, including Ricci, Charles Hart, Richard Krant, and Louise Johnson, believed that the improvements brought about by the Ricci litigation had transformed Wrentham and the other state schools into the best possible settings for their loved ones by the mid-1980s.
Personal experiences
But Grenon’s book is based on more than historical research and even interviews. She also recounts her own experiences at Wrentham, having worked there for 34 years in a variety of capacities, starting in 1981. Her personal descriptions draw the reader into the day-to-day life and drama of the institution during her time, and add to the context and richness of the center’s history.
Grenon started working at Wrentham after graduating from college with a degree in psychology. Her first job was as a direct care worker, a position referred to at the time as a “Mental Retardation Assistant.” She spent most of the next four years with the “heavy hitters” — women in the D Building who were given that appellation because they had behavioral problems.
In 1982, Grenon was promoted to ward supervisor, and then became building manager, and later back-up shift supervisor and crisis responder.
In 1985, because of her separate degree in equestrian science, she became director of a new therapeutic horseback riding program at Wrentham. And from 1992 until 2014, she served as a coordinator in public relations at Wrentham and as a community liaison.
In 2016, Grenon discussed her book and emerging therapies and models of care for people with I/DD in a series of interviews, including this one.
Opposition from DDS
But as Grenon explained to me, the Department of Developmental Services (DDS) was not happy with her book. She said that when top DDS administrators learned she was writing it, they wanted her to emphasize only “the most egregious” aspects of Wrentham’s history.
The reason for DDS’s position is clear. Since the 1990s, a succession of administrations in Massachusetts has been intent on shutting down state-run residential care and privatizing the services. But Grenon told the Department officials she wanted to tell the whole history of Wrentham, both good and bad.
The result, she said, was that she was repeatedly threatened by DDS with termination in the last few years of her employment, and was later even banned from visiting the campus.
Grenon said that at a meeting with the DDS administrators in 2013, “They all wanted to know why I wanted to present the facility in a positive light, and I told them something like, ‘up until now, everything that has ever been written about facilities has been very negative. I’ve found some surprising evidence to the contrary and I want to present it. I don’t just want to regurgitate egregious conditions, I want to present facts.’”
Grenon said, though, that the reply from one of the administrators at the meeting was, “’We would really rather that you present the egregious conditions. . .’” She said she was also told “not to make the facility look good.”
As we’ve argued before, it is vitally important to study the history of the care of persons with I/DD in Massachusetts and elsewhere, if only to avoid repeating the mistakes of the past. It is just as important to recount the entire history, and, as Grenon said, to present the facts.
It is only in recounting the full and complete history of any person, event, trend or institution that valid conclusions can be drawn as to the meaning of the past and how to plan for the future. That is what Grenon sought to do in writing her book; and, in our view, she fully succeeded.
Legally blind and quadriplegic woman ‘thriving’ at Hogan Center
After initially being denied a placement at the Wrentham Developmental Center, Kristen Robinson has been living and “thriving” since June at the Hogan Regional Center, her sister, Kim Meehan, said last week.
Kim said the family is now ready to talk about the happy outcome of their months-long struggle to get Kristen, who is 51 years old, into an Intermediate Care Facility (ICF) in Massachusetts.
“She (Kristen) is so happy,” Kim said. “ She’s joyful, cared for, loved. They love her at Hogan. She’s treated the way she should be treated.”
Hogan, which is in Danvers, and the Wrentham Developmental Center are the state’s two remaining ICF-level congregate care centers. But as we’ve noted many times, it is extremely difficult for people to get admitted to them.
As we reported in May, then Department of Developmental Services (DDS) Commissioner Jane Ryder initially promised Kristen’s family she would admit Kristen for evaluation and rehabilitation to Wrentham’s May Center medical unit.
But Ryder reneged on that promise just a few days later, saying she hadn’t been aware that only Wrentham Center residents are admitted to the May Center unit. This was despite the fact that Kristen is profoundly intellectually disabled, legally blind, and quadriplegic, and has seizure disorder and severe dysphagia, a medical condition that causes an inability to swallow.
DDS rarely admits individuals to either ICF because the Department maintains that so-called community-based residential settings are less “restrictive.” But DDS had been unable to find either a community-based group home or a nursing home that could meet Kristen’s needs.
Yet, while Ryder did go back her promise to admit Kristen to Wrentham, Kim said Ryder then gave the family some other options. One option was for an “evaluation” of Kristen at Hogan; and the other options were for short-term placements at either of two private rehab facilities or a state-operated group home.
Kim said the family visited all of those settings and selected Hogan even though it is a three-hour round trip from Kim’s home in Norfolk. “We felt she would be safe there,” she said.
Kristen was admitted to Hogan on June 17. It is not clear whether the placement is considered by DDS to be permanent, but Kim said she and Karen are prepared to fight to ensure that she remains there.
Hogan offers full range of services and activities
Kim maintained that all of Kristen’s needs are being met at Hogan, particularly her need for 24/7 nursing care.
Prior to her placement at Hogan, Kristen had been confined for weeks at Faulkner Hospital in Boston following a choking incident in her mother’s home.
Kristen had lived her entire life under her mother’s care in Walpole. But when their mother died a year ago this month, Kim and her sister, Karen Brady, and their husbands began to take turns caring for Kristen and staying overnight with her.
Given Kristen’s medical complexities – particularly those related to swallowing and choking – it is safest for her to be at a facility like Hogan where medical care is available on site, Kim said. At Hogan, Kristen doesn’t need to be taken off campus for medical care or for her day program.
Kim said Kristen has been receiving physical and occupational therapy at Hogan, and is attended by doctors, nurse practitioners, and many other care givers. She is also regularly taken outside for recreational activities, including the use of a swing set built for people in wheelchairs. And she attends arts and crafts, music nights, communal dinners, and enjoys visits from school bands.
Kim said she is looking forward to having Kristen attend Hogan’s greenhouse this winter to work on making wreaths. “She always enjoyed planting flowers with our mother,” she said.
“Normally, at age 22, the educational system falls off,” Kim noted. “Here they work with her daily. This is a community like no other. When we looked at the group homes DDS showed us, people were just sitting around watching TV.”
Cleanliness highlighted
Kim said she would also like to “highlight the cleanliness at Hogan. You could eat off the floors there.” Kristen is also very clean now, she said. When she was at the hospital, the staff were not able to shower her, she said.
Kristen’s potential still being assessed
Kim said that since she has been at Hogan, Kristen “is doing things we never knew she could do, and they’re still in the early stages of determining her capacity.”
For instance, physical therapists are working with her on standing up. “She hasn’t stood up since she was a little kid. She is now feeding herself with assistance,” Kim said.
Kim added that clinicians at Hogan think Kristen may be able to understand more than her family had previously thought. Early on, they found that Kristen could identify six colors. “She was never able to do that before.”
The Hogan clinicians also think Kristen may be able to communicate with a communication board. “They’re doing assessments to see what she can comprehend. They are learning things about her that we didn’t know. It could take years to find out what’s going on in her mind,” Kim said.
Similar assessment from mother of man admitted to Wrentham in 2022
Kim’s assessment of Hogan is similar to Janice Marinella’s assessment of the Wrentham Center. Janice’s son Jeremy was admitted to Wrentham in 2022 after years of poor care in the community-based system.
Janice told us at that time that, “I no longer see it (Wrentham) as institutional. I now see the love and devotion the staff gives my son.” She added that even though the buildings are old, her son’s unit is “immaculate.”
It is unfortunate that the Healey administration continues to subscribe to a long-held ideology that care in Massachusetts’ two remaining congregate-care centers is unduly restrictive, and that better and more appropriate care can be found in the community-based and largely privatized group home system.
The evidence clearly shows this ideology is wrong. It doesn’t matter how many people are served by a care setting as long as the ratio of staff to residents is adequate and the staff are caring, well trained, and motivated. The testimony of Kim Meehan, Janice Marinella, and others we have spoken with over the years shows that is certainly the case at the Wrentham and Hogan Centers.
Is RFK Jr. open to reversing the longtime federal policy of phasing out state-run and ICF care?
Late last month, we sent a message to Robert F. Kennedy Jr. via his Make America Healthy Again (MAHA) website, asking whether he would support the preservation of state-run, congregate and group home care for persons with intellectual and developmental disabilities (I/DD).
RFK, who has been nominated by President-elect Donald Trump to head the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), has spoken out about what he refers to as the capture of governmental agencies and regulators by the pharmaceutical, agricultural and other industries. He has cited the undue influence of corporate interests in healthcare, in particular.
While there are many people who are skeptical of Kennedy, primarily due to his controversial statements about COVID and other vaccines, our main concerns center around the future of residential care for people with I/DD. Would Kennedy’s efforts to rein in corporate interests in healthcare include reining in corporate providers that contract with states to run group homes for people with I/DD?
In our message to Kennedy, we asked whether he would be “committed to changing the direction in which HHS and the U.S. Department of Justice (DoJ) have long been headed in furthering the runaway privatization of human services and the closures of state-run services for people with I/DD, including Intermediate Care Facilities (ICFs).”
We understand that there are many people competing for Kennedy’s attention right now, and that it might be some time before we hear back. We hope we do hear back.
Privatization proponents acknowledge problems, but oppose the use of institutional resources
As we noted in our message to Kennedy, the privatized system of care in Massachusetts and elsewhere in the nation for people with I/DD is broken.
In Massachusetts, the state Department of Developmental Services (DDS) is funding the privatized group home system at close to $1.7 billion in the current fiscal year — an increase of more than 60% from a decade previously. Yet, thousands of people are waiting for residential placements in group homes that are rife with abuse and neglect and underpay their direct-care staff. The executives who run those corporate providers make exorbitant salaries.
Massachusetts has just two remaining state-run ICFs, which serve as a critical backstop for residential care, and meet strict federal standards for staffing and treatment. They are the Wrentham Developmental Center and the Hogan Regional Center. Yet a succession of administrations has let these facilities die slowly by attrition, and has steadily increased funding to corporate group-home providers.
Also being phased out in this state is a smaller network of state-run group homes, which provide care from well-trained staff. Families and guardians seeking residential placements for their loved ones with I/DD are not informed of these state-run options, and, when they do seek those placements, are routinely denied.
Federal government has pushed for ICF closures
As we noted to Kennedy, this same anti-congregate care trend has long been encouraged at the federal level. The federal Centers for Medicaid and Medicare Services (CMS) and the Civil Rights Division of the DoJ have pursued a relentless policy for years of deinstitutionalization and privatization of services. This policy has been promoted under the guise of civil rights, with the misleading argument that congregate care segregates people with I/DD.
Not only has the DoJ filed unnecessary and unwanted lawsuits around the country to close ICFs, but the federal government has encouraged the closures of important and highly successful programs such as sheltered workshops for people with I/DD. This has been done under the mistaken ideology that all people, no matter how severe their disabilities, can compete and succeed in the community-based system.
However, the U.S. Supreme Court in Olmstead v. L.C. recognized that institutional care is valid and appropriate for those who desire it and who can’t cope in the community.
Yet the single-minded focus of the federal government and other proponents of privatization on eliminating institutional care has caused the proponents to ignore the serious problems with community-based care.
Biden administration increased funding for community-based care, but not state-run ICFs
Over the past four years, the Biden administration increased Medicaid funding to states for home and community-based services. But as COFAR and a key state employee union, AFSCME Council 93, noted in a joint letter to Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren in 2021, the Biden administration was not similarly proposing any additional funding for state-run ICFs.
Many advocates for the disabled are worried today that the incoming Trump administration will reverse the Medicaid gains that the home and community-based system has received under the Biden administration. They are particularly concerned that under the leadership of Kennedy and Mehmet Oz, who has been nominated to head the CMS, Medicaid funding to the states will be replaced by block grants, and individual recipients will be subject to work work requirements.
While we understand these concerns, we would also note that pumping more Medicaid dollars into a flawed, privatized system won’t solve the problems that continue to plague that system.
As we stated in our message to Kennedy, we believe that the states need to reopen the doors of their state-run ICFs and group homes before it is too late. If we lose these critical residential options, we foresee a race to the bottom in the quality of care for thousands of our most vulnerable residents.
However, the Healey administration in Massachusetts, like several before it, takes its cue from the federal government, and is pushing us ever closer to the demise of state-run and ICF-level care.





